The map does not zoom out past Finland. Show European statistics?
Switch to European statistics?
The map zooms out to Europe and the areas become countries. The figures come from Eurostat and national statistics for 2021–2025 and are not directly comparable with the Finnish municipal map.
Immigration as a cartogram
Immigration in charts
The charts run from demographic change to economic effects, crime, migration and the asylum system, and societal effects. Under each chart's title is a short finding from its figures. The table and the sources are under the chart, and the share button gives a link, an image or the data as a CSV file.
Source: Finnish Immigration Service (Migri) · tilastot.migri.fi · Applications and positive decisions are separate choices and never share a chart. A decision can fall in a different year from its application. There is no decision series for temporary protection. A few hundred to just over a thousand first permits a year are applied for on other grounds, which is why the lines by ground do not add up to the all-grounds figure.
Source: Statistics Finland · tyokay/115t and vaerak/11rs · not an employment rate, see Sources and notes
Sources and notes
Origin groups
The charts on benefit dependency and on taxes and incomes divide people of foreign background into five groups by background country. The groups come straight from the source, Suomen Perusta's kuntaluvut.fi service.
Large refugee countries
Iraq, Somalia, Afghanistan, Syria
Middle East
Middle East and North Africa without the large refugee countries, Central Asia included
Eastern Europe
Eastern European countries
Western countries
Western European countries, North America, Australia and similar
Other countries
All remaining foreign countries
The chart of the share outside the labour force groups people by citizenship, and its groups are narrower. The large refugee countries are the same four, but Eastern Europe there means Russia, Ukraine, Poland and Estonia, and Western countries Sweden, Germany and the United States. The Middle East there means Iran, Turkey, Egypt and Morocco. Poverty is split by origin into Finnish and foreign background, and labour force survey unemployment into Finnish and foreign citizens.
In most charts the quick choice Large refugee countries picks the same four: Iraq, Somalia, Afghanistan and Syria. In the background-country and employment-gap charts the same choice is wider, and in the language chart it picks languages.
This section collects statistics, research and source material on immigration and integration, and on their effects on crime, the economy and society more broadly. The material is intended for policy and social analysis, not for drawing conclusions about individuals or population groups. Migrants are a large and highly diverse group of people with very different backgrounds and reasons for moving. The aim is not to characterize the group as a whole, but to highlight the partially negative effects associated with certain types of immigration to the country.
Key questions
The tour takes you through eight questions, one at a time.
Besides the key questions, the topics hold 48 questions. A card opens the article its figure comes from.
Demographic change
4 questions
The population structure of Finland and Europe is changing faster than public debate often suggests, driven by immigration and birth-rate differences.
Read more
The statistics below show the scale of the change in Finland and how it compares with the rest of Europe. The debate also often overlooks that part of the growth in the foreign-background population in fact arises in Finland and does not come from immigration alone. At the same time foreign-background fertility has fallen close to the native level.
The immigration debate often holds that investing in integration in particular is what reduces the problems associated with immigration.
Read more
Finland spends a great deal on integration, yet many of its measures show weak results, especially for certain immigrant groups. Integration can be measured from many angles: school outcomes, language skills, residential segregation and the effectiveness of integration measures. Whatever the measure, the differences between background groups are large and narrow slowly. Some groups need practically no integration measures at all, while others absorb considerable spending without particularly successful outcomes.
Immigration is often defended through labour supply and public-finance benefits.
Read more
Labour migration can be economically positive, but register data and fiscal models show that the positive effects are not seen among immigrant groups of every migration reason or background country. Humanitarian and family migration in particular show up in the data as higher benefit use and less tax paid. On the other hand, residents on work grounds pay clearly more in taxes than they receive in transfers, and the whole foreign-background population paid slightly more in taxes than it received in transfers in 2023. The use of public services is not included in these comparisons.
Crime is one of the side effects most often raised in the immigration debate.
Read more
This section measures it primarily through suspicion records. Suspect statistics describe the earliest stage of the process and overstate the level, but the overrepresentation does not disappear in conviction statistics. At most it shrinks.
Several studies find a negative relationship between ethnic, and above all cultural, diversity and trust. According to a meta-analysis of the literature, the association is small on average. The values held in Europe's Muslim communities are an example of deep cultural differences. These differences are found above all between people from the main refugee-sending countries and the Finnish or European native population. Cohesion is also tested by whether society's obligations, such as military service, are shared evenly.
The asylum system is justified as protecting the persecuted and helping the world's poorest and most vulnerable.
Read more
Most applicants, however, do not meet the criteria for international protection, the system does not reach the world's poorest, and brain drain leaves source countries worse off than before. In Finland about half of first-instance decisions have been positive in recent years, with international protection granted in a little under half of all decisions. Population growth in Africa and the Middle East is explosive. Even if Europe took in only a small share of those countries' people in need, climate migrants or those living in miserable conditions, it would place considerably greater strain on the receiving countries than it does now, while doing practically nothing for the countries they leave.
Although parties that have broadly supported and pursued immigration have won a substantial majority of votes in parliamentary elections, criticism of immigration is more common than immigration-critical parties themselves. An often-overlooked side of immigration is its political effects: voting behaviour among people of foreign background differs markedly from that of Finnish-background voters. Immigrants particularly favour parties that push for a more permissive immigration policy. The political effect is weakened by the fact that voter turnout among people of foreign background is markedly lower than among the native population.
Other countries have comparable sites and statistical sources. Finland is roughly 10–20 years behind them in demographic change.
Under each country are the knowledge-base articles that hold its figures and the statistics, map and incident sites about it. There are 13 sites from 9 countries.
The population structure of Finland and Europe is changing faster than public debate often suggests, driven by immigration and birth-rate differences. The statistics below show the scale of the change in Finland and how it compares with the rest of Europe. The debate also often overlooks that part of the growth in the foreign-background population in fact arises in Finland and does not come from immigration alone. At the same time foreign-background fertility has fallen close to the native level.
Sections in this group and their figures
Births and fertilityThe total fertility rate in 2024 was 1.39 for foreign-background women and 1.23 for Finnish-background women, both far below the replacement level of 2.1. However, in some groups (Syria, Pakistan, Iraq, Somalia) it is above it.
The dependency ratio and ageingA hundred people of working age are not a hundred workers. In 2023 the number in work relative to the population aged 20–64 was 79.2 per cent among people of Finnish background and 29.3 to 47.3 per cent among the largest refugee-origin backgrounds. Of those who came on a work permit, about 80 per cent have earnings during the year ten years on, where the same looser measure gives 83 to 84 per cent for people of Finnish background.
Muslim population growthThe scholar of religion Teemu Pauha estimates that Finland has about 140,000 residents of Muslim background in 2025.
Key figures
Between 2000 and 2025 the number of domestic-language speakers fell by about 75,400 while foreign-language speakers grew by about 547,000. All of Finland's 21st-century population growth has come from foreign-language speakers.
The number of speakers of Finland's domestic languages (Finnish, Swedish, Sámi) has fallen every year since 2014.
In 2015–2025 the number of domestic-language speakers fell in 264 of Finland's 308 municipalities.
Demographic change is sometimes branded a conspiracy theory. What can be called a conspiracy theory is the claim of a deliberate and planned replacement of the population with people of foreign background. The two are often conflated, however, so that the discussion of demographic change itself can be set aside.
Whatever the label, the change is there in the statistics. The number of speakers of the domestic languages (Finnish, Swedish, Sámi) has fallen every year since 2014, and over 2000–2025 it shrank by about 75,400 while the number of foreign-language speakers grew by about 547,000. Finland's 21st-century population growth has therefore come entirely from people of foreign background. The same shows in the municipalities: in 2015–2025 the number of domestic-language speakers fell in 264 of 308 municipalities, and in 22 of the 66 municipalities whose population grew, the net growth came entirely from foreign-language speakers.
There were about 37,600 people of foreign background in Finland in 1990 and about 660,800 in 2025. Most of the growth is still foreign-born, but the Finland-born second generation is growing fast and passed 100,000 in 2025. It is also the only foreign-background group whose net migration has been negative every year since 1994, though the numbers are small: in 2025, 951 left the country and 266 came.
Population change by language group · Finland 1991–2025
The chart breaks population change down by language group. The annual change in domestic-language speakers turned negative in 2014 and has not returned to positive since.
Change from previous year, people
Total population changeDomestic languages (Finnish, Swedish, Sámi)Foreign-language speakers
Details
Domestic languages = total population minus foreign-language speakers (covers Finnish, Swedish, Sámi and unknown).
The 2022–2023 spike partly reflects refugees from Ukraine entering the population register.
Mother tongue is a register entry: people who change their registered language move between groups.
Show the figures
Year
Total population change (Change from previous year, people)
Domestic languages (Finnish, Swedish, Sámi) (Change from previous year, people)
Foreign-language speakers (Change from previous year, people)
People with a foreign background in Finland, by place of birth · 1990–2025
Stacked bars: the lower part is those born abroad, the upper part those born in Finland, and the bar's full height is the foreign-background population in total.
Foreign background, born abroadForeign background, born in Finland
Details
Foreign background means that both parents, or the only known parent, were born abroad. The part born in Finland is therefore the second generation. The third generation, and children with one parent born in Finland, count as Finnish background in the statistics.
Share of the background group born in Finland · by background country, 2025
Foreign background passes from the parents, so the group includes children born in Finland. How large that part is says which group is turning from an immigrant population into a settled one. Of people of Somali background 40.5 % were born in Finland, of Ukrainian background 5.2 %. The difference follows from when the migration happened and from the group's fertility.
The share reflects both when the migration happened and how many children the group has. A group that arrived long ago has had time to have children born in Finland, one that arrived recently has not, and the higher the group's fertility rate the faster its share grows. Ukrainian migration began in 2022, which is why it sits at the bottom of the list, and the Somali background tops it on both counts: the migration began in the early 1990s and the fertility rate ran between 3.8 and 5.8 through the 2000s.
Included are background countries with at least 5,000 people. In smaller groups the share swings from year to year.
The former Soviet Union and the former Yugoslavia are classes of the background-country classification rather than current states: people born before the break-up are recorded under them, which is why they appear separately.
Sweden's high reading is a different phenomenon from the rest: many children of Swedish-born parents live in Finland because of return migration.
Foreign-background people born in Finland by age group · 2015 and 2025
The foreign-background population born in Finland is still a population of children. At the end of 2025 there were 102,183 of them and the median age was 9. Those under 18 numbered 79,599, or 78 per cent. The group nearly doubled in ten years.
People
20152025
Details
The light bar is 2015 and the dark one 2025.
The group also grows through births, so the under-18 cohort does not empty out as it ages.
Age structure of the Finnish- and foreign-background population, share of each group by age band · 2025
The foreign-background population is markedly younger than the Finnish-background population. Of the foreign-background population 12.2% are aged 35–39, against 6.0% of the Finnish-background population. With no migration in either direction, the foreign-background share would therefore grow in the site's population model until 2053, from 11.7% to 13.8%. The Finnish-background population does not grow through its own natural increase, and Finland's population growth today rests almost entirely on immigration. The difference in age structure only accelerates demographic change.
% of group
Finnish backgroundForeign background
Details
Each group's shares sum to 100%, so the curve shows the shape of the age structure, not group size.
Age bands are five years wide. The last band is 95+.
With no migration in either direction, the foreign-background share in the site's population model would turn down after 2053, because no one born abroad would arrive and the child of a Finland-born foreign-background mother is Finnish-background. By 2075 the share would be below today's, and in 2100 it would be 6.9%. If no one moved to Finland but people kept leaving as they do now, the foreign-background share would fall from the start and be 10.3% in 2050.
Population projection if current demographic trends continue · 2000–2100
% of population
Native backgroundForeign background
Details
2000–2025 is Statistics Finland's realised population statistics. From 2025 onward (dashed), the chart carries today's fertility and mortality, today's classification of children and today's net migration count forward unchanged. It shows where today's trends would lead if they continued. It is not an official Statistics Finland forecast.
The calculation combines seven Statistics Finland datasets: the age structure by background and by birthplace, the total fertility rate by background, the whole population's fertility age shape, the life table, net migration by background and sex, net migration by age and sex, and births by the parents' background.
The migrants' age distribution is that of the whole population's net migration in 2014–2023, the years Statistics Finland also builds its projection's migrant age profile from: about 21% under 15, 54% aged 15–34 and 25% aged 35 or over. An arrival aged 0 at the year's end was born abroad and moved within the same year, so at the default migration as many arrivals born abroad are aged 0 each year as the register counted foreign-background 0-year-olds born abroad at the end of 2025, 156. The rest of the arrivals under 5 go to ages 1–4. The model gives the same age distribution to every background group, because Statistics Finland does not publish migration by age and background in the same table. Migration by sex is published by background as well, so each group's women's share is its own for 2021–2025: 47.9% of the net migration of the foreign background born abroad, 51.5% of the net loss of the foreign background born in Finland and 71.7% of the net loss of the Finnish background.
Fertility is distributed across ages using the whole population's age shape (not background-specific), scaled to each group's own total fertility rate. Statistics Finland publishes the rates by background up to 2024, when the rate was 1.23 for the Finnish background and 1.39 for the foreign background. The national rate was 1.25 in 2024 and 1.30 in 2025. When births are set against the women aged 15–49 by the mother's language at the national age shape, the fertility of women with a domestic language changed by +5.3% from 2024 to 2025 and that of women with a foreign language by +0.1%. The mother's language is the closest published counterpart of background. The model therefore moves the Finnish background's rate by as much, to 1.29, and holds the foreign background's at its 2024 level until Statistics Finland publishes the rates by background for 2025. Foreign-background women born abroad and born in Finland get the same rate. Statistics Finland puts the rate of foreign-background women born abroad at 1.42 in 2024, so the rate of those born in Finland is lower, about 0.9 when derived age group by age group. If the groups got their own rates and the first-generation share were refitted to them, on Statistics Finland's rule the foreign-background share would pass half in 2089 rather than in 2091.
Mortality stays at the 2025 life table for the whole period, and every group uses the whole population's life table, because mortality is not published by background. Statistics Finland's population projection and the site's dependency calculator let mortality keep falling. The Finnish-background population is older, so constant mortality shrinks it faster and brings the crossing forward. If mortality fell as in the dependency calculator until 2060 and stayed there after it, the foreign-background share would pass half on Statistics Finland's rule only in 2093 rather than in 2091.
Fertility is at a different level in the dependency calculator as well. After 2045 the calculator gives the whole population the fertility rate derived from the births in Statistics Finland's projection, 1.33, where this calculation's whole-population rate is about 1.31 on the starting population and the measured national rate was 1.30 in 2025. If the Finnish background's rate rose evenly to 1.31 by 2045, the level at which the starting population's national rate would be 1.33, on Statistics Finland's rule the foreign-background share would pass half in 2091. If both mortality and fertility followed the dependency calculator, on Statistics Finland's rule the foreign-background share would pass half in 2093 rather than in 2091. If the Finnish background's rate stayed at its 2024 level of 1.23, on Statistics Finland's rule the foreign-background share would pass half in 2088 rather than in 2091.
Net migration is held constant at the 2021–2025 average, about 38,700 people a year. The figure is the whole population's net migration, and the model splits it between the background groups in the proportions measured over the same years: +40,000 people a year for the foreign background born abroad, −570 for the foreign background born in Finland and −740 for the Finnish background. More people of the foreign background born in Finland and of the Finnish background move abroad than move to Finland. The Finnish background's mean of −740 includes the net return migration of 2021, +769 people. The years 2021–2025 are the five years with the largest net migration in the series that starts in 1990. The net migration of 2025, 31,233 people, split differently: +33,459 for the foreign background born abroad, −685 for the foreign background born in Finland and −1,541 for the Finnish background. If the streams of 2025 went on as they were, on Statistics Finland's rule the foreign-background share would be 50.0% in 2100 and would not pass half. At the long-run assumption of Statistics Finland's population projection, 40,000 people a year, on Statistics Finland's rule the foreign-background share would pass half in 2089 rather than in 2091.
Because net migration is a constant count, a steadily smaller share of the foreign-background population leaves each year as the group grows about 4.9-fold by 2100. In 2021–2025 an average of 1.6 per cent of the foreign-background population emigrated each year: 1.8 per cent of those born abroad and 0.9 per cent of those born in Finland. In 2025 the share was 1.9 per cent. If emigration kept the 2021–2025 shares and as many people arrived every year as in the first, on Statistics Finland's rule the foreign-background share would be 27.8% in 2050 and 46.9% in 2100, and it would not pass half. If net migration grew in step with the foreign-background population, on Statistics Finland's rule the foreign-background share would pass half in 2054 rather than in 2091. The emigration share is measured, but arrivals growing with the population are only an assumption.
Statistics Finland classifies a child as Finnish-background as soon as at least one parent was born in Finland. The model applies the rule separately to foreign-background mothers born in Finland and born abroad. A child of a mother born in Finland is always Finnish-background. A child of a mother born abroad is Finnish-background when the father was born in Finland, and the model holds the share of such children constant at 16.3%. The share is chosen so that the births to the 2025 population reproduce the 20.7% of the children of foreign-background mothers classified as Finnish background, as derived from the births of 2024. As mothers born in Finland grow in number the overall share rises, to 29.8% in 2050. On these assumptions the foreign-background share passes half in 2091. The assumptions can be changed in the population projection on the Tools page.
Of the children of foreign-background mothers, 31.2% were classified as Finnish background in 2010, 21.3–23.6% in 2016–2023 and 20.7% in 2024, the lowest in the series. The first-generation share that fits these figures was about 19.4–20.6% in 2016–2021 and fell to about 16.5% by 2024, so the model holds the share at its lowest level. The rule makes the share depend on how many fathers were born in Finland. A growing number of Finland-born men of foreign background raises the share, and fewer Finnish-background men per woman born abroad lowers it. Of the couples with a foreign-background woman added in 2021–2025, the man was of Finnish background in 10.7%. If the first-generation share stayed at the 2016–2021 level of 20.0%, on Statistics Finland's rule the foreign-background share would pass half in 2093 rather than in 2091. If it fell to 10.7%, on Statistics Finland's rule the foreign-background share would pass half in 2088 rather than in 2091.
Among those under 18 the foreign-background share is 14.5% now and 31.3% in 2050, and it does not pass half before 2100. After mid-century the young people's share grows more slowly than the whole population's, because a child of a Finland-born foreign-background mother is Finnish-background, so the third generation is Finnish-background. The whole population's share passes half only with both the arrivals, children and adults alike, and their children born in Finland. In the model 29.7% of the foreign-background population in 2100 is born in Finland. If the children of mothers born abroad were all Finnish-background as well, on Statistics Finland's rule the foreign-background share would be 37.7% in 2100 and would not pass half.
If a child were counted as foreign background whenever at least one parent is, the share would pass half in 2074 and among those under 18 as early as 2059. Every child of a foreign-background mother then stays in the group. Of the children of Finnish-background mothers, 3.02% join it at first, the share of Finnish-background women living as a couple whose partner was of foreign background in 2025, and the share grows with the foreign background's share of the men aged 20–49. The calculation is a floor, because today's population is not reclassified. Statistics Finland does not publish how many people of Finnish background have one parent born abroad.
Because today's values are held fixed for the whole horizon, the chart shows what continuing today's trends would imply, not a prediction of what will actually happen.
Finland's foreign-language population by language group, if current trends continue · 2000–2040
People
Other Asian languagesMiddle Eastern and North African languagesRussian and other former Soviet languages (excl. Baltic)Western European languagesOther African languagesEastern European languagesBaltic languages
Details
2000–2025 is Statistics Finland's realised population statistics (vaerak/11rl). From 2025 onward (dashed), the chart projects current fertility, mortality and migration forward unchanged. It shows where today's trends would lead if they continued. It is not an official Statistics Finland forecast.
The language grouping is the same one used in the Uusimaa projection by the cities of Helsinki, Espoo and Vantaa and the Regional Council of Uusimaa (below), so the two charts are directly comparable. The eighth group (other or unknown mother tongue, about 3% of foreign-language speakers) is included in the calculation but left off the chart.
Each group's total fertility rate is borrowed from the Uusimaa projection (corrected for the child's registered mother tongue), because fertility by language group is not published at national level: Baltic 1.08, Russian and ex-Soviet 0.89, Western Europe 1.12, Eastern Europe 1.63, Middle East and North Africa 2.12, other Africa 2.69 and other Asia 0.98. The report's declining paths for the Middle Eastern and African groups are carried through to 2040 (1.87 and 2.42).
Mortality uses a single national life-expectancy curve, since no mortality statistics are published by language.
Net migration is not taken from a migration statistic: for each language group the model computes the natural change implied by its own age structure and subtracts it from the observed change in population. The residual is net migration, so it also absorbs changes of registered mother tongue.
Net migration is held constant at the 2015–2025 average (about 25,800 people a year in total). The eleven-year average deliberately damps both the Ukraine-war spike and the 2022–2024 labour-migration surge: the Russian and ex-Soviet group's realised net migration ranged from 2,100 to 24,600 over those years.
The migrant age distribution is based on Finnish Immigration Service (Migri) statistics on first residence permits.
Age structure is published in 5-year bands. The split into single years of age uses the shape of the national foreign-background population.
Because today's values are held fixed for the whole horizon, the chart shows what continuing today's trends would imply, not a prediction of what will actually happen.
Show the figures
Year
Other Asian languages (People)
Middle Eastern and North African languages (People)
Russian and other former Soviet languages (excl. Baltic) (People)
Uusimaa's foreign-language population by language group · 2000–2040
The cities of Espoo, Helsinki and Vantaa together with the Regional Council of Uusimaa published a forecast of Uusimaa's foreign-language population for 2022–2040 in August 2023. The forecast projects the total foreign-language population growing from about 53,000 (2000) to over 554,000 (2040). Realised statistics run through 2021. Everything from 2022 onward is the report's own projection, not measured data. The vertical line separates realised statistics from the report's forecast. The report was published in 2023. Actual population growth in 2022–2025 has in fact already exceeded the report's projections, as immigration to Finland has been at record highs in those years.
People
Other Asian languagesMiddle Eastern and North African languagesRussian and other former Soviet languages (excl. Baltic)Western European languagesOther African languagesEastern European languagesBaltic languages
Details
Up to 2021 the figures are realised statistics. The years after that are a joint projection by the cities of Espoo, Helsinki and Vantaa with the Uusimaa Regional Council, not a Statistics Finland population forecast.
The language group is the registered mother tongue, not background country or citizenship. A bilingual person is recorded under one language only.
Show the figures
Year
Other Asian languages (People)
Middle Eastern and North African languages (People)
Russian and other former Soviet languages (excl. Baltic) (People)
Replacementclock.org ("Great Replacement Clock") shows the White, or European-descended, share of the population in 45 countries from 1950 to 2100. The site is run by the writer Leo Pier. No country records this share directly, so the figures are the site's own estimates derived from official statistics. Past years are reconstructions and future years are scenarios.
The foreign-born share of the population has risen rapidly in most of Western Europe over the past 15 years. In Germany, for instance, it rose from 12.0% to 20.5%, about 1.7 times, and in Sweden from 14.3% to 20.8%, nearly one and a half times.
The UK is not in the Eurostat series. Its figures come from ONS population estimates (June 2024 and 2010) and are not fully methodologically comparable to the other countries.
The projection assumed Finland would gain 20,000 people from net migration in 2021 and 15,000 a year after that. Actual net migration has been clearly higher, peaking at 57,914 in 2023. The projection does not break the population down by language or origin.
Helsingin kaupunki, kaupunkitietopalvelut (Pasi Saukkonen)2024-08-15
Summary
According to senior researcher Pasi Saukkonen, at the end of 2023 Helsinki had 134,084 residents of foreign background, about one fifth of the area's population. Of these, 109,300 were themselves born abroad and 24,784 born in Finland, so the growth is still overwhelmingly first-generation immigrants. The city grew by 10,472 people in 2023, of which 10,219 came from net migration. Of Helsinki's net migration, 81% was international and 19% domestic. The largest background countries were Russia and the former Soviet Union, Estonia, Somalia, Iraq, China and Sweden, but the fastest growth in 2020–2023 came from the Philippines (+1,457), Bangladesh (+958) and Sri Lanka (+765). The Asian-origin share of the foreign-born population rose from 28% (2020) to 32% (2023), and students' share of residence permits granted from 14% (2020) to 25% (2023).
Statistics Finland's latest population projection (24 October 2024) estimates that net migration continuing at its current level would raise Finland's population to 6.5 million by 2070. For 2060 it gives 6.34 million, where the projections made between 2009 and 2021 put the same figure between 5.3 and 6.2 million. It does not break the population down by language. In the projection, population growth rests on immigration rather than on births.
Iltalehti, 21 May 2025. An analysis published by the Kalevi Sorsa Foundation, written by Aapo Hiilamo, a doctor of demography. It is a stochastic population projection built on the model developed by University of Washington researchers for the UN's projections, which forecasts a probability distribution rather than a single figure. The seven million of the headline is the upper end of that distribution, not its central value: the median for 2050 is about 6.2 million, very close to Statistics Finland's own point projection. Hiilamo's central claim is that growth in the population and in the number of employed rests on migration alone, because the forecast ranges for births and deaths are far narrower than the one for migration, and that successful immigration could add more than a million people by 2050 against a scenario where net migration settles lower. The analysis cites a Ministry of Finance sensitivity calculation in which a permanent rise of 7,500 people in annual net migration would cut the sustainability gap by about 0.3 percentage points of GDP, about €0.9bn by the analysis's conversion. The ministry assumed that the population's average income level, use of public services and benefits, and employment rate stay unchanged as net migration rises (Ministry of Finance, method description of the sustainability-gap calculations, 2 October 2023). The analysis also notes that Statistics Finland raised its net migration assumption by 25,000 to 40,000. The same article carries the opposing figure: Sitra's spring 2025 stochastic projection puts about 24,000 a year as the best match to what has actually happened, and says that even at that level the problems of ageing are not removed but postponed by a few decades. Both are projections, not measurements.
In 2025, 14,168 foreign citizens permanently resident in Finland acquired Finnish citizenship, 2,656 more than in 2024 (+23%) and the highest number during Finland's independence. Most went to Iraqi citizens (1,960, or 14% of all citizenships granted), followed by Russian (1,494), Syrian (1,282) and Afghan (1,075) citizens. 92% of them kept their previous citizenship. Naturalisation was tightened on 1 October 2024: the required period of residence is now generally 8 years instead of the previous 5, or 5 years if the language requirement is met. The change applies only to applications submitted on or after that date, so it is barely reflected in the 2025 figures yet.
Statistics Norway (SSB) also projects the share of immigrants and their Norwegian-born children in the population. The group corresponds to Statistics Finland's foreign background, whose parents were both born abroad, and its share is 21.8% now. In the main alternative the share is 29.0% in 2050 and 32.0% in 2100. In the high-immigration alternative it is 43.0% in 2100, and with immigration held constant 36.2%. None of SSB's alternatives passes half. The share among those under 18 falls in the main alternative from 22.7% to 18.3% by 2100, because the children of immigrants' Norwegian-born children no longer belong to the group. The site's own calculation follows the same rule, and in it the share among those under 18 grows more slowly than the whole population's. The site's share still passes half, for two reasons. Its net migration relative to the population is about twice that of SSB's main alternative. SSB also assumes fertility rising from 1.48 in 2025 to 1.63 by 2040, while the site's calculation holds the Finnish background's rate at its 2025 level of 1.29. If the Finnish background's fertility followed SSB's assumption, the share in the site's calculation would be 47.0% in 2100 and would not pass half.
Helsingin Sanomat published a calculation suggesting the number of descendants of today's Finnish-background population could fall from about 5 million to under 1 million by 2113 at the current fertility rate (1.25). It was a thought experiment by Heikki Bergholm, not a scientific study. It was based on 2022 birth data (~38,600 births to the native-background population) and an unchanged 81-year life expectancy.
The population stood at 5,652,881 at the end of 2025 and grew by 16,910, almost half of the previous year's increase. There were 660,800 people of foreign background, 11.7% of the population. The second generation passed 100,000 for the first time and has doubled in 11 years. The share was highest in Uusimaa (20.1%) and lowest in South Ostrobothnia (4.9%), and the highest share among municipalities was in Vantaa (30.5%). There were 646,392 foreign-language speakers, 11.4% of the population, the largest groups Russian (102,618), Estonian (48,495) and Ukrainian (46,696).
Professor Matti Virén calculated on X that the foreign-background population grew from 37,600 in 1990 to 660,800 in 2025, an average of 8.6% a year. If the same annual growth compounded until 2060, there would then be 11.8 million. Virén puts the Finnish-background population at about 4.5 million then and the whole population at about 16 million. He compares this with the official population projections, in which the population is about 6.5 million. By his count growth averaged 7.2% a year in 2015–2025. Virén chairs the board of Suomen Perusta, the Finns Party's think tank.
The number of people speaking a domestic language (Finnish, Swedish, Sámi) fell below five million in March 2026 for the first time in 34 years: 4,999,717 people at the end of March, 88% of the population. The population shrank by 1,948 in January–March 2026. Statistics Finland attributes the fall to natural decrease, as deaths exceeded births by 4,308. Net migration was positive, at 1,556, but did not cover the gap, because the Finland–Estonia population-register treaty caused more emigration than usual to be recorded. Emigration recorded from Uusimaa, for example, rose by 2,913. The increase comes from the register treaty rather than a new wave of departures. In 2025, 18% of babies were born to foreign-language mothers.
Erik Dale's private website, headlined “Når blir nordmenn minoritet i eget land?” (“When do Norwegians become a minority in their own country?”), uses an interactive cohort model built on SSB's tables to compute the share under three lineage rules. If a child counts as immigrant background whenever at least one parent does, the share passes half in 2069 with immigration held constant. On SSB's own definition, under which the third generation leaves the group, the share does not pass half on any of the six migration paths. The model is not an SSB projection, and its author lists the model's simplifications. The site's population projection tool offers the same choice: on the broader rule Finland's share would pass half earlier than on Statistics Finland's rule.
Births and fertilityPopulation structure
Key figures
The total fertility rate in 2024 was 1.39 for foreign-background women and 1.23 for Finnish-background women, both far below the replacement level of 2.1. However, in some groups (Syria, Pakistan, Iraq, Somalia) it is above it.
Alongside migration, fertility is a significant factor in demographic change. Fertility has fallen steeply since the early 1990s among both Finnish-background and foreign-background women, and the gap between the groups has narrowed in the process. That combined foreign-background figure hides wide variation by background country. Women from Syria, Pakistan, Iraq, Bangladesh, Somalia and Afghanistan still exceed 2.0 children per woman, while those from China, the Philippines and Vietnam fall below the Finnish-background rate.
The difference shows up a generation later. A small first generation still produces a large second one where fertility is high.
Total fertility rate = 5 × the sum of age-specific fertility rates (births in an age band / women in that band), over ages 15–49.
The denominator is the mean of the populations for y−1 and y, because population is recorded on 31 December each year. Year-end alone would understate fertility for fast-growing groups.
The age bands do not align exactly: the lowest births band is 0–19 and the highest 45–, so children of mothers under 15 or over 49 sit in the numerator but not the denominator. The effect is small.
The method was checked against Statistics Finland's own figure: it produces 1.23 for Finnish background, matching table 13zb, and 1.41 for foreign background against their 1.39.
Year-to-year variation is large in small groups, where both births and women are few.
The figure is a single-year cross-section, not the number of children the group's women will ultimately have.
Share of live births to foreign-background mothers · Finland 1990–2024
The share of newborns with a foreign-background mother has grown many times over since 1990. Over the same period total births have fallen steeply, and markedly fewer children are now born to Finnish-background mothers than at the start of the 1990s. The share of births is larger than the foreign-background share of the population mainly because a larger part of foreign-background women are of childbearing age. A second reason is slightly higher fertility: in 2024 the total fertility rate was 1.39 for the foreign background and 1.23 for the Finnish background.
%
Share of births to foreign-background mothers
Definition
The share means the number of children born to mothers of other than Finnish background as a proportion of all live births.
According to ETLA's review, the total fertility rate was down to 1.25 in 2024, the lowest in measurement history, against a replacement level of 2.07. Replacement was last exceeded in 1968. The population stood at 5,656,900 at the start of 2026 (0.34% growth on the year), and 623,949 people, 11% of permanent residents, had a foreign background at the start of 2025. Life expectancy in 2024 was 79.6 years for men and 84.8 for women, there were 1.3 million single-person households (28% of the population), and 22,000 marriages were solemnised against 33,000 in 2008. ETLA stresses that migration decides the direction of population change and that migration is the most volatile part of any such projection.
A piece in HS's Visio section on the Belgian demographer Ron Lesthaeghe, who estimates that the number of people of Finnish background, those with a Finnish mother or father, will fall below half of the present figure by 2100. He describes a "double storm" facing Finland: a care crisis followed by a severe labour shortage. Lesthaeghe endorses the calculation by Heikki Bergholm published in HS on 25 March 2024 on how the number of people of Finnish origin and their descendants would develop at a total fertility rate of 1.25.
International
VisQuill draws a population pyramid, the age distribution of mortality and the age profile of fertility for every country from the UN World Population Prospects 2024, covering 1953–2023, and countries can be compared side by side.
Total fertility rate by immigrant background · Norway 2011–2025
According to Statistics Norway (SSB), Norway's total fertility rate rose to 1.48 in 2025. The rate for immigrant women fell to 1.44 and was below the national rate for the first time. In 2011 the rate was 2.12 for immigrant women and 1.88 for the whole country. In 2025 the rate was 1.40 for the Norwegian-born daughters of immigrants and 1.51 for the rest of the population.
Children / woman
Rest of the populationImmigrantsNorwegian-born daughters of immigrants
Details
The groups are SSB's own. Immigrants are people born abroad whose parents and all four grandparents were born abroad. The Norwegian-born daughters of immigrants have both parents and all four grandparents born abroad. The rest of the population is all other women, including the Norwegian-born with one parent born abroad and the foreign-born with at least one parent born in Norway.
The total fertility rate is the number of children a woman would have if the year's fertility at each age stayed the same across the whole span from 15 to 49. It describes a single year's cross-section, not the number of children the group's women will ultimately have.
According to SSB, the large fall in the rate for immigrant women in recent years is linked above all to the women who came from Ukraine. In 2025 the rate for women born in Ukraine was 0.88. According to SSB, fertility has also fallen among other immigrant women. The rates by country of birth are in the next chart.
Show the figures
Year
Rest of the population (Children / woman)
Immigrants (Children / woman)
Norwegian-born daughters of immigrants (Children / woman)
Total fertility rate by country of birth and immigrant background · Norway 2025
The combined rate of 1.44 for immigrant women hides wide differences between countries of birth. According to SSB, the rate was 2.81 for women born in Eritrea, 2.34 for women born in Syria and 0.88 for women born in Ukraine. Among the continents, the rate was highest for women born in Africa, at 2.04.
The country or continent is the immigrant woman's own country of birth. By SSB's definition, immigrants are people born abroad whose parents and all four grandparents were born abroad. The 2nd generation means the Norwegian-born daughters of immigrants, and other women means the rest of the population. Both groups are defined in more detail in the notes to the previous chart.
SSB's StatBank splits immigrant women only by continent (table 12481). The figures for Eritrea, Syria and Ukraine come from the text of SSB's article, and the article gives no figures for other countries. Eritrea belongs to Africa and Syria to Asia. Ukraine belongs to the row Other Europe, which holds the European countries outside the EU and EFTA. Two small regions are left out of the chart. The rate was 1.16 for women born in Latin America and the Caribbean and 1.43 for women born in North America or Oceania.
The combined rate for immigrant women depends on which countries the women came from. According to SSB, the fall in the combined rate in recent years is mainly because the women who came from Ukraine have had few children. The rate for women born in Ukraine was 0.88, against 1.44 for all immigrant women. According to SSB, fertility has also fallen among other immigrant women.
The total fertility rate is the number of children a woman would have if the year's fertility at each age stayed the same across the whole span from 15 to 49. It describes a single year's cross-section, not the number of children the group's women will ultimately have.
The figures do not compare directly with the Finnish figures in this section. The Norwegian figures by country of birth cover immigrants only. The Finnish figures by background country were computed by this site, and they also count Finland-born women of foreign background under their background country.
Germany
Women's total fertility rate by citizenship · Germany 2012–2025
According to the Federal Statistical Office (Destatis), the total fertility rate of women with German citizenship fell to 1.20 in 2025. The rate for women with foreign citizenship was 1.78, against 1.84 in 2024. The rate for foreign citizens has fallen every year since 2017 except 2021. The rate for the whole country was 1.32.
Children / woman
German citizensForeign citizens
Details
The split is by citizenship, not by country of birth or origin. Immigrants who have acquired German citizenship count as German citizens. Since 2000 a child born in Germany to foreign parents has acquired German citizenship at birth if one parent has lived lawfully in the country for at least eight years and has a permanent right of residence. The requirement was cut to five years on 27 June 2024.
Destatis publishes no fertility rate by individual citizenship in its database. The combined rate for foreign citizens depends on which countries the women come from. According to the Destatis article, the rate for women with Ukrainian citizenship was 1.17 in 2023. Without them the rate for foreign citizens would have been 1.95 rather than 1.88. There were about 327,000 women aged 15 to 49 with Ukrainian citizenship in 2023, against about 55,600 in 2021.
The total fertility rate is the sum of the fertility rates for each year of age among women aged 15 to 49. Destatis computes the mother's age as the difference between the child's and the mother's years of birth. The figure describes a single year's cross-section, not the number of children the group's women will ultimately have. The Destatis table gives the figures to three decimal places.
Destatis recomputed the figures from 2012 onwards with the population counts of the 2022 census. The correction raised the rate for women with foreign citizenship by 0.18 in 2022 and by 0.14 in 2023. The rate for German citizens rose by only 0.01 in both years. That is why the chart starts in 2012 and does not run on into years computed with older population counts.
The figures do not compare directly with the Finnish figures in this section, which are split by origin. Finland's foreign-background population also includes people who have acquired Finnish citizenship and the Finland-born whose parents were both born abroad.
The dependency ratio and ageingPopulation structureEconomy
Key figures
A hundred people of working age are not a hundred workers. In 2023 the number in work relative to the population aged 20–64 was 79.2 per cent among people of Finnish background and 29.3 to 47.3 per cent among the largest refugee-origin backgrounds. Of those who came on a work permit, about 80 per cent have earnings during the year ten years on, where the same looser measure gives 83 to 84 per cent for people of Finnish background.
A working-age person out of work counts as a supporter in the demographic dependency ratio although economically they are a dependant. In 2025 registered unemployed jobseekers averaged 25.1 per cent of the foreign-citizen labour force and 10.9 per cent of the Finnish-citizen one.
Immigration is offered as the answer to ageing, but the dependency ratio does not get fixed at present figures. Counted by heads, migration does improve the figure. In Statistics Finland's projection the old-age dependency ratio is 40.1 in 2045 with migration and 49.4 without it, so migration buys about two decades. The real, or economic, ratio, however, divides the dependants by the people in work rather than by the people of working age, and in it a working-age person out of work is a dependant like a child or a pensioner.
In the site's calculation net migration is Statistics Finland's assumption of 40,000 a year, and the foreign-born arrivals' employment rate is taken as 56 per cent. In 2060 there are 151.4 dependants per hundred workers with the arrivals and 157.2 without them. The arrivals' effect is at most +0.6 dependants per hundred employed until 2044 and −5.8 in 2060. Both results depend on the assumptions. The ratio rises both with the arrivals and without them. The arrivals ease the ratio only once their employment rate passes about 56 per cent in 2045 and 52 per cent in 2060.
Refugee-origin employment stays below those thresholds and work-permit employment clears them: as an employment rate the figure is 39 per cent for the four largest refugee origins, about 71 per cent for work-permit arrivals and 74.5 per cent for the Finland-born. What eases the economic ratio is therefore migration of a particular kind rather than migration as such. The reason for entry decides it more precisely than the country of origin, and employment by background country is in the employment chart on the Charts page.
In the calculation the arrivals' children born here find work almost as the native population does, at an employment rate of 70 per cent. In education the second generation narrows the gap but does not close it, as the education section sets out. Net migration and the employment rate can be adjusted in the dependency calculator.
Economic dependency ratio 2025–2060: Per employed, arrivals' employment 56%
First the real dependency ratio: dependants per hundred workers. The menu switches to another scenario or to the head-count ratio. Each line is the dependency ratio's path under one net-migration assumption. Per employed, the gap between the site's model and the path without the net migration of the foreign-born is what the foreign-born arrivals do, because the net emigration of the Finland-born is in both. The third line is Statistics Finland's self-sufficiency projection, in which nobody moves to or from Finland.
Scenario
Migration at the projection's assumption, but the divisor is the employed only. The head-count ratio improves with migration. The economic ratio counts only the employed as providers, so an arrival moves it only as far as their employment goes. It counts the heads of the employed, not their earnings, and the earnings-weighted result is under the chart's Details.
dependants per 100 employed
The site's model, per employedWithout net migration of the foreign-bornWithout net migration, per employed
Details
The economic ratio counts only the employed as providers, so a working-age person out of work is a dependant like a child or a pensioner. The employment rate of the Finland-born aged 18–64 is 74.5 per cent, and the calculation assumes 56 per cent for the foreign-born arrivals. Both are register rates for ages 18–64, and the calculation applies them to those ages.
The calculation spreads the 18–64 rates over the single years of age by the whole population's employment rates by age. The level is scaled so that the rates average the arrivals' rate on the present age structure of the foreign-born and the Finland-born rate on that of the Finland-born. Young people are therefore in work less often and the middle-aged more often than the group's average rate. The same rule applies to the Finland-born who leave and to the children born here, who are at most 36 in 2060.
The without-migration path works at the whole population's employment rates by single year of age in 2024, held as they are and applied to each year's own age structure. Within each single year of age the path's population is split by background. Its own foreign-born work at the foreign-born level of 56 per cent and its own Finland-born of foreign background at the second generation's rule, 70 per cent. The rest work at the rate that gives the whole population's rate for the age on the population at the end of 2025. Without migration no more foreign-born arrive, so their share of the path's 18–64-year-olds falls from 12.1 per cent in 2025 to 4.8 per cent in 2060. The register counts people aged 18–74 as employed, so in the calculation nobody under 18 or over 74 is employed. Of the whole population aged 15–64, 68.1 per cent are in work, and without migration the share is 70.5 per cent in 2045, because there are fewer young people and fewer foreign-born, who work less often. The calculation used to work the whole path at the whole population's rates by age, which held the foreign-born share at each age where it is today. The arrivals' effect at an employment rate of 56 per cent in 2060 was then −7.7 rather than −5.8, the 2060 threshold was 50 rather than 52 per cent, and there were 158.0 rather than 153.1 dependants per hundred employed without migration.
The arrivals' and the children's 65–74-year-olds also work at the whole population's rates by age, at which 7.2 per cent of the age group as a whole are in work. The arrivals' employment gap therefore closes at 65. That is the assumption most favourable to migration, because the employment of the foreign-born aged 65–74 has not been measured. If the gap went on at 65–74 in the same proportion as at 18–64, the arrivals' effect in 2060 would be −5.6 instead of the published −5.8. Statistics Finland's own economic dependency ratio counts everyone aged 18–74 in work, and it was 132.6 in 2024. This calculation starts at 132.5 in 2025.
The arrivals' children born here work at the Finland-born rate less 24.3 per cent of their parents' employment gap, as in the lifetime calculator. At the arrivals' rate of 56 per cent the children's rate is 70 per cent. The children never leave the country in the calculation, although on the measured curve 88.0 per cent of those here at one are still here at 18 and 80.9 per cent at 35. The arrivals' own emigration is inside the net migration, but the children's is not. If the children left at the measured pace, the arrivals' effect at an employment rate of 56 per cent would be −0.4 in 2045 and −6.2 dependants per hundred employed in 2060.
The economic ratio counts the heads of the employed, not their earnings. Wage and self-employment income averages 32,530 euros a year per earner among the foreign-born and 38,901 euros among the Finland-born (2024), so a foreign-born earner's income is about 84 per cent of a Finland-born earner's. As a measure of the base that pensions are paid from, the ratio therefore gives the arrivals' employed more weight than their earnings do. The gap is narrower among the young: relative to a Finland-born earner of the same age group, a foreign-born earner's income is 91 per cent at 18–39 and 83 per cent at 40 and over. With the arrivals' work weighted by these shares and the dependants counted by heads, the arrivals at an employment rate of 56 per cent change the figure by +1.2 dependants per hundred employed in 2030, +3.0 in 2045 and +0.3 in 2060, raising it in every year to 2060. The threshold is then about 62 per cent in 2030, 60 per cent in 2045 and 56 per cent in 2060. If an arrival's shortfall in earnings is counted as a dependant too, dividing the whole population by the earnings-weighted employed, the effect in 2060 is +4.4 and the 2060 threshold about 60 per cent. The weight is uncertain, because the earnings are a mean over everyone with earnings during the year and the calculation's employed are those in work at the year's end. If more of the foreign-born worked only part of the year, the gap per person employed is narrower.
The register's employment rate divides the employed by everyone in the register, including those who have left the country without notice. According to VATT they are about 5–6 per cent of the foreign-background working-age population. The population projection counts the same register, so the calculation uses the register's rate. Leaving those who have left out, as the cost calculation does, takes 5.5 per cent of the arrivals aged 18–64 out of the population and keeps the number in work as it is. Of the arrivals present 59.3 per cent are then in work, and there are 135.7 dependants per hundred employed in 2045 with the arrivals and 137.5 without the net migration of the foreign-born. The arrivals then raise the figure only until 2028.
The total dependency ratio counts both under-15s and over-64s per hundred of working age. The section's other charts draw the old-age ratio, which counts only the latter, so the figures cannot be compared with those.
Statistics Finland's projection starts from the population at the end of 2023, so the net migrants are added from 2024. In the measured years net migration is the whole population's measured net migration, 47,051 in 2024 and 31,233 in 2025, and after them the scenario's figure. The net migrants' ages and sexes are those of net migration in 2014–2023, the years Statistics Finland builds its projection's migrant age profile from.
The whole population's net migration includes the net emigration of the Finland-born, which was 2,223 in 2024 and 2,514 in 2025. In 2014–2025 it averaged about 2,300 a year. The calculation holds it at that average in the scenario's years too, and the rest of net migration is the foreign-born. The Finland-born who leave take workers with them at the Finland-born employment rate. Their ages are those of Finnish citizens' net migration in 2014–2023, because no table crosses age with country of birth. In it the net emigration falls mostly at ages 15–44.
The Finland-born leave whatever the immigration, so their net emigration is in the economic ratio's comparison path without the net migration of the foreign-born. The gap between the site's model and that path is therefore the own effect of the foreign-born arrivals and their children. Against the self-sufficiency projection the Finland-born net emigration on its own adds +0.6 in 2030, +2.0 in 2045 and +4.1 in 2060 dependants per hundred employed. The whole net migration changes the figure by +1.1 in 2030, +1.9 in 2045 and −1.7 in 2060 against the self-sufficiency projection. The head-count ratio is set against the self-sufficiency projection, because Statistics Finland's own projection holds the whole net migration.
The dashes start in 2046. Up to there the base is Statistics Finland's self-sufficiency projection, after it the site's continuation on the authority's own mortality trend and birth scale.
The model is not a forecast but a calculation of where the given assumptions lead. Against Statistics Finland's own projection the model's path is 0.1 points higher in 2030, 0.9 points higher in 2045 and 0.4 points lower in 2060. In 2045 the difference is in the under-15s. The model has about 52,000 more of them than the projection, which raises the ratio by 1.4 points. It has about 16,000 fewer people aged 65 or over, which lowers the ratio by 0.4 points. The model gives arrivals the measured foreign-background fertility, 1.39 in 2024. Statistics Finland's projection gives an arrival the fertility of the region they move to, which in the capital region is below the national level. The national fertility rate derived from the projection's births is 1.33, and at that fertility the difference in 2045 narrows by only 0.15 points. The difference closes when the arrivals' fertility is about 1.0. The arrivals' effect on the economic ratio in 2045 is then −1.7 instead of the published −0.1. The model uses the measured net migration of 2024 and 2025, where the projection assumed 52,000 in 2024 and 45,000 in 2025. With the projection's own figures the difference in 2045 is 0.2 points smaller.
From 2026 the whole net migration is Statistics Finland's assumption of 40,000 a year. Of it the Finland-born part is a net emigration of about 2,300, and the foreign-born move to Finland at about 42,300 net. The Finland-born leave whatever the immigration, so the calculation sets the arrivals' path against the path without the net migration of the foreign-born, in which the Finland-born leave just the same. The employment rates by age stay at their 2024 level until 2060.
There are 134.0 dependants per hundred workers in 2030 with the arrivals and 133.5 without them, 137.4 and 137.5 in 2045, and 151.4 and 157.2 in 2060. In Statistics Finland's self-sufficiency projection and its continuation nobody moves to or from Finland, and the figures there are 132.9, 135.5 and 153.1. The arrivals leave the ratio unchanged at an employment rate of about 58 per cent in 2030, 56 per cent in 2045 and 52 per cent in 2060. The ratio counts the heads of the employed, not their earnings. With the arrivals' work weighted by their earnings by age group, the thresholds in the same years are about 62, 60 and 56 per cent, and the arrivals raise the figure in every year to 2060.
In 2023 the number in work relative to the population aged 20–64 was 79 per cent among people of Finnish background and 29–47 per cent among the largest refugee-origin backgrounds. That measure counts the employed of every age, so it runs above the employment rate the thresholds are stated in. Of those who came on a work permit, about 80 per cent have earnings during the year ten years on. That measure is looser than the employment rate as well: it gives 83–84 per cent for people of Finnish background, and turned into the employment rate in the same proportion the work-permit figure is about 71 per cent.
The employment rate of the arrivals' children born here is the Finland-born level less 24.3 per cent of their parents' employment gap, as in the lifetime calculator. Of the Finland-born of foreign background who start vocational education, 54.4 per cent complete a qualification within 5.5 years, against 62.4 per cent of those of Finnish background. Of those who start at university, 69.8 and 70.5 per cent complete a degree in the same time. Of 25 to 34 year olds, 31.7 per cent of the Finland-born of foreign background hold a tertiary degree against 41.3 per cent of the native population.
Show the figures
Year
The site's model, per employed (dependants per 100 employed)
Without net migration of the foreign-born (dependants per 100 employed)
Without net migration, per employed (dependants per 100 employed)
How firm the result is: migration's effect on the economic dependency ratio under other assumptions
Each row changes one assumption and keeps the rest as in the calculation above. A bar to the left means the foreign-born arrivals lighten the ratio, to the right that they add to it. In 2045 the effect across the rows is −3.8…3.7 dependants per hundred employed, and −0.1 in the published calculation. Its sign changes on the rows Arrivals 51%, All in work 70%, Retirement +2 yrs, Retirement +3 yrs and Earnings-weighted. The level of the ratio moves far more than the arrivals' effect on it.
Dependants per hundred employed, with the arrivals less without the foreign-born's net migration
The rows: Published is the calculation of the chart above, with 56 per cent of the arrivals in work. Arrivals 51% and 61% move the arrivals' employment rate by five points. Leavers left out takes those who left the country without notice, 5.5 per cent of the arrivals aged 18–64, out of the population as the cost calculation does, and the number in work stays as it is. Of the arrivals present 59.3 per cent are then in work. Second gen. 56% and 74.5% give the children born here the arrivals' or the Finland-born's employment rate instead of 70 per cent. All in work 66% and 70% multiply the whole population's employment rates by age by one figure, so that the rate at ages 15–64 is 66 or 70 per cent instead of 68.1. The levels of the arrivals, the leavers and the children stay as they are. Retirement +2 yrs and +3 yrs move the employment rates of ages 58–74 2 or 3 years older by 2060. Fertility 1.33 gives the arrivals the national fertility of Statistics Finland's projection instead of the measured 1.39. Earnings-weighted counts the arrivals' work at their earnings relative to the Finland-born's, 91 per cent at 18–39 and 83 per cent at 40 and over, and the dependants by heads. Migration 20,000/yr and 60,000/yr change net migration from 2026 on.
The alternatives are not forecasts but examples of how far the result moves. The arrivals' employment rate varies with the grounds of arrival and the time in the country far more than five points, so the rows describe the uncertainty of the whole arrival group's average, not individual groups.
The whole population's employment changes both paths, so it moves above all the level of the ratio. It moves the arrivals' effect less, because the arrivals' employment is held as it is. In 2060 there are 153.1 dependants per hundred employed without migration. If the whole population's employment is 66 per cent there are 161.1, and if it is 70 per cent there are 146.2.
The measured employment rate of the foreign-born was 60.0 per cent in 2022, 57.8 in 2023 and 56.0 in 2024, and the calculation uses the latest.
The model holds the employment rates by age fixed over the whole period. It does not take in the business cycle or employment rising with the time in the country. The retirement age is tied to life expectancy by law, and the retirement rows stand in for its rise. In them the employment rates of ages 58–74 move evenly from 2025, so that in 2060 they sit 2 or 3 years older. The calculation keeps the upper limit of the employed at 74, as the register does. The shift adds people in work above all in the base population, so the arrivals' effect in 2060 is −3.6 or −2.4 instead of the published −5.8. In 2045 the effect is +0.8 or +1.2 instead of the published −0.1.
In the Finnish Centre for Pensions' 2023 calculation migration lowers the employed share of the population in every year. In 2060 the share is 40.9 per cent with net migration of 25,000 a year and 42.8 per cent without migration. In the site's calculation the foreign-born arrivals lower the share until 2044 and raise it after that. In 2060 the share in work is 39.8 per cent with the arrivals and 38.9 per cent without the net migration of the foreign-born. In the Centre's calculation the retirement age rises with life expectancy, as the law sets it, and without migration 42.8 per cent of the population are in work in 2060. The site's calculation holds the employment rates by age of 2024 as they are, and without migration 39.5 per cent are in work. The larger the part of the base population in work, the higher the arrivals' employment has to be for migration not to lower the share. Moving the employment rates of ages 58–74 in the site's base 3.0 years older by 2060 puts the share in work without migration at the Centre's 42.8 per cent. Setting the whole net migration against none, as the Centre does, net migration of 25,000 a year changes the share in 2060 by −0.3 percentage points on that base. The Centre's own figure is −1.9. The base path therefore accounts for the difference in sign but for little of the difference in size. Most of the rest comes from the Centre's assumptions about the arrivals, as it gives them the employment of the migrants of 2013–2017 by group. Its largest migration is 25,000 a year against the site's assumption of 40,000.
The employment of the children born here matters little before the 2050s, because those born from 2024 on turn 18 only from 2042 on.
The same projection to 2070: migration postpones the deterioration, it does not stop it
Every bar is from the same projection, with net migration of 52,000 in 2024, 45,000 in 2025 and 40,000 a year after that. The old-age ratio barely moves to 2040 and then climbs steeply, because the people arriving now and working now are themselves pensioners in the 2060s. In 2070 it is 53.3, higher than today's 38.5.
People 65 and over per 100 of working age
Details
The total dependency ratio, which also counts children, stays flatter over the same period (61.6 in 2025 and 71.9 in 2070). That is because there are fewer children, which is not good news for the finances: a child costs less than a pensioner and later becomes a payer.
The timing of the upturn depends on the fertility assumption. If fertility stays below the assumption, the curve rises earlier.
The retirement age rises with life expectancy, which moves part of the 65-and-over group to the working side. This chart uses a fixed age of 65, as Statistics Finland's own indicator does.
The number of extra arrivals: Statistics Finland's 2024 projection has 2,016,441 people aged 65 or over in 2070. For them to face as many people of working age as in 2025, there would have to be 1,452,277 more people of working age than the projection has. Dividing that shortfall over 45 years gives 32,273 extra arrivals a year, but it assumes every arrival is still of working age in 2070. Ageing the arrivals in the site's cohort model, it takes about 68,400 extra arrivals a year, about 108,400 arrivals a year in all. The figure is the smallest even flow that brings the ratio back to its 2025 level exactly in 2070, and on the way the ratio falls to 30.4 at its lowest, in 2052.
Holding the ratio at its 2025 level in every year separately takes about 206,000 extra arrivals in 2026–2045 in all, against the 1,368,000 the even flow brings in the same years. In 2034–2046 no extra arrivals are needed at all. After that the need grows, and in 2061–2070 it is 84,000–105,000 a year. Over the whole of 2026–2070 it takes about 2.0 million extra arrivals in all, against the 3.1 million the even flow brings. In 2070 it takes about 144,000 arrivals with the projection's own assumption counted in. The UN report solved the migration needed with the same cohort arithmetic, period by period, as this year-by-year calculation does. With the year-by-year hold the foreign-background share would pass half on Statistics Finland's rule in about 2063. In both calculations the extra arrivals are all born abroad.
Finnish Centre for Pensions 2026: long-term projections and their sensitivity to net migration20263 findings
Tikanmäki et al., Finnish Centre for Pensions reports 7/2026. Net migration of 24,000 a year in the baseline, 15,000 and 33,000 in the sensitivity runs
The theoretical constant contribution rate is 22.7 per cent in the baseline. In the high net migration scenario it is about 0.7 percentage points lower, and in the low one about 0.8 higher.
In the high net migration scenario the whole population's employment rate is in the long run about a percentage point below the baseline, because immigrants at first find work clearly less often than natives. The gap narrows with time in the country.
According to the report, weaker employment among immigrants than assumed would reduce migration's positive effects on pension financing and increase the pensions paid by Kela.
Sitra 2025: net migration and the sustainability gap20257 findings
Alho, Kauppi, Lassila and Valkonen, Suomen väestö ja kansantalous uuden edessä (Finland's population and economy facing the new), Sitra memo, 21 May 2025. Sitra commissioned the memo from Etla. The FOG overlapping-generations model and the sustainability gap over a hundred years. Net migration of 24,000 a year on the base path, 15,000 and 40,000 in the alternatives, and 500 population paths from a stochastic population projection
On the base path the sustainability gap is about 2 per cent of GDP. With net migration of 15,000 a year the gap is a percentage point larger, and with 40,000 it is a little over a point smaller.
Across the 500 paths of the stochastic population projection the sustainability gap lies between 0.9 and 3.6 per cent of GDP with 80 per cent probability, and between 1.5 and 2.9 per cent with 50 per cent probability.
The base path's assumption bears on how the result reads: on it immigrants are identical to natives. According to the memo they are also identical, as recipients of transfers and users of public services, to people of Finnish background who meet the conditions for benefits. The memo justifies the assumption by the rapid shift of migration towards study and work.
Only in the 15,000 and 40,000 alternatives does the memo adjust the additional migrants' labour input for their observed path into work: employment is low at first and rises with time in the country. In the adjustment half of the additional migrants come from other EU countries and half from elsewhere.
In the authors' estimate net migration of 24,000 a year best matches what has actually happened. Migration on that scale would postpone the public-finance problems of ageing by a few decades. According to the memo, low fertility is nonetheless likely to turn population change against the public finances in the end.
According to the memo, its sustainability gap responds to net migration more strongly than the Ministry of Finance's calculations do, mainly because the population change is allowed to act for a hundred years.
The memo also presents the Ministry of Finance's calculation of December 2024 (Economic Survey, Winter 2024, Ministry of Finance publications 2024:68). In it immigrants' employment rate is 10 percentage points below that of the population already here, and their productivity is lower. By the Ministry's publication, public debt in 2035 is about 88 per cent of GDP with long-run net migration of 25,000 a year. With 15,000 the debt is 90.4 per cent, and with 40,000 it is 2.6 percentage points below the base path. The Ministry considers the effects moderate.
Finnish Centre for Pensions 2023: net migration and the earnings-related pension contribution to 208520234 findings
Ismo Risku, Finnish Centre for Pensions memo, 9 February 2023. Four scenarios: net migration of 25,000, 15,000, 5,000 and 0 a year. Migration structure, employment and earnings by group as observed in 2013–2017
The employed share of the population is lower the higher net migration is: in 2085 it is 38.5 per cent with net migration of 25,000 and 41.6 per cent with none. The memo puts it down to the low employment rates of those arriving.
The earnings-related pension contribution is nonetheless lower the higher migration is: in 2085 it is 28.3 per cent of the wage bill with 25,000, 30.1 per cent with 15,000 and 34.2 per cent with none. The reason is the growth of the wage bill.
According to the memo, migration strengthens pension financing only if more contributions are collected from migrants than are paid out to them in pensions, once the time value of money is taken into account.
The figures rest on the 2019 long-term projection. The 2022 projection lowered the contribution forecast, mainly because of investment returns, but the memo says the effect of migration would be much the same.
ETLA 2023: immigration and the adequacy of the labour force20234 findings
Alho, Kangasharju, Lassila and Valkonen, ETLA Report 132, 3 February 2023. A general equilibrium model, net migration of 44,000 a year against Statistics Finland's 15,000
The cohorts of births and of working age would stabilise at net migration of 44,000 a year. Even that does not stop ageing, because lifespans keep lengthening.
The sustainability gap shrinks by about two percentage points over 50 years and by a little over three over a hundred, and earnings-related pension contributions stay clearly lower, because the wage bill grows.
Part of the public-finance gain comes from the general wage level rising more slowly, so that the wage costs of public services grow more slowly.
The report's own caveat: immigration does not solve the labour shortage or the public finances if immigrants' employment and productivity stay low. In the main scenario arrivals find work as those from EU countries do, and the report finds that differences in education and unemployment hardly change the economic effects.
Bringing the old-age dependency ratio back to its 2025 level by migration alone would take about 68,400 extra arrivals every year on top of the projection's own assumption of 40,000, about 108,400 arrivals a year in all, 2.7 times as many as the projection assumes. The number is this large because the arrivals age: in 2070 about 517,000 of them and of their children born here are themselves 65 or over, and the need goes on after 2070 too. The UN's 2000 replacement migration report came to the same conclusion. At that pace the foreign-background share of Finland's population would pass half in the site's population model in about 2054, against 2091 at the average net migration of 2021–2025. The ratio can also be eased by the retirement age, employment and productivity.
Muslim population growthPopulation structureValues and attitudes
Key figures
The scholar of religion Teemu Pauha estimates that Finland has about 140,000 residents of Muslim background in 2025.
Scenarios for Finland: the 2.7% Muslim share (2016) would reach 4.2% by 2050 with zero migration, 11.4% in the medium scenario and 15.0% in the high-migration scenario.
Immigrants arriving from Muslim-majority countries are among the largest and fastest-growing immigrant groups in Europe and in Finland. Several of those countries are sources of refugee-based migration in particular, which raises the Muslim population of the receiving countries.
Fertility among people from Muslim-majority countries is mostly above two, and well below that among Finnish-background women. The direction is steeply downward, though. Over ten years it has fallen in every one of them except Bangladesh, where it rose, and Iran, where it held steady, and in some it has dropped by nearly half. The figures by background country.
The Pew Research Center has estimated Finland's Muslim share and set out three alternative paths to 2050. They differ only in the volume of migration, which is zero in one, medium in another and high in the third.
A population share does not by itself say anything about consequences, but it can also be used to estimate the consequences for society. The site classifies by background country rather than religion, because people from a given country are often adherents of its majority religion. Pew builds its own estimates on the same assumption. Consequences are therefore examined by background country: employment and benefit use on the economic side, crime and the views of Europe's Muslims on the others.
Finland
Registered Islamic communities in Finland20254 findings
Membership of registered religious communities is official register data (Statistics Finland, population structure, table 11rx: membership of religious communities). The total of about 140,000 residents of Muslim background in 2025 is an estimate by the scholar of religion Teemu Pauha (Mene & tiedä, 19 March 2025), not a register figure. Such estimates rest on the population's countries of origin, because Muslims who belong to no religious community are not recorded.
Registered members of Islamic religious communities: 28,512, or 0.50% of the population (2025), more than double the 2015 figure (13,289).
The scholar of religion Teemu Pauha estimates that Finland has about 140,000 residents of Muslim background in 2025, many times the registered figure.
Largest Muslim communities: Helsinki Metropolitan Area, Turku, Tampere.
Membership of Islamic communities grew more between 2015 and 2025 than that of any other religious group, by 15,223. The small Hindu group grew faster in relative terms, from 324 to 1,072 members.
Europe
Pew Research Center: how the global religious landscape changed, 2010–2020 (Europe)20253 findings
201 countries. Measured change over 2010–2020 from censuses, registers and surveys. A measurement, not a projection.
This is a measurement, not a forecast. It reports what happened between 2010 and 2020, so it complements the 2017 forecast below.
Aside from Christians and unaffiliated people, no other religious group saw its share in any European country change by 5 percentage points or more between 2010 and 2020.
In Sweden the Muslim share rose to 8%, a rise of 4 percentage points. In Germany it rose by about one point to 7%. Albania rose by about 4 points, but Muslims were already a majority there in 2010.
Pew Research Center: Europe's growing Muslim population201730 European countries, scenarios to 20506 findings
Pew estimated Europe's Muslim population at 25.8 million in 2016, or 4.9% of the population.
Even with no further migration, the Muslim share would still rise to 7.4% by 2050, driven only by age structure and fertility.
In the medium scenario the share would be 11.2%, and in the high-migration scenario it would be 14.0% in 2050.
Among migrants who arrived in Europe between 2010 and 2016, an estimated 53% were Muslim. Among those granted or expected to be granted refugee status, 78% were Muslim.
The median age of Muslims was 30.4 years versus 43.8 for non-Muslims. The total fertility rate was 2.6 children for Muslim women and 1.6 for non-Muslim women.
Finland scenario: Pew estimated the Muslim share at 2.7% in 2016. For 2050 the zero-migration scenario is 4.2%, the medium scenario 11.4% and the high scenario 15.0%.
The Muslim population in Europe: projections and country-level examples
A collection of estimates and news reports on the growth of the Muslim share of the population in various European countries. The figures are estimates and projections as given by their sources: some are official statistical calculations, some academic, some from news or opinion media. The results depend heavily on assumptions about fertility and migration.
SWI swissinfo.ch, drawing on Pew data: Switzerland's Muslim population was 6.1% (500,000) in 2016. With zero migration the share would rise to 8.2% (660,000) by 2050, to 10.3% (1,140,000) in the medium scenario, and to 12.9% (1,500,000) in the high scenario. Muslims are on average 13 years younger than other Europeans. Pew assumed a fertility rate of 2.1 for Muslims versus 1.5 for others.
A peer-reviewed article uses wavelet analysis to project a Muslim majority in 13 European countries between 2085 (Cyprus) and 2215 (Lithuania). Among others, it projects a majority in Sweden in 2125, France in 2135 and the UK in 2180. It assumes higher fertility (~1 more child per woman) and 2017-level migration (~706,000 asylum seekers/yr, 86% Muslim). The authors offer no uncertainty caveat about the time horizon: they call the mid-point scenario the “most likely” one and go on to describe concrete social consequences out to 2220. The method is signal processing rather than a demographic cohort model, and the rule used to grow the Muslim population is problematic: each five-year figure adds a share of the 0–4 age group to a share of the total population, although those children are already inside the total. The raised share is then fed into the next period, so the deviation compounds about 40 times by 2220. The model has no mortality, no age structure for the Muslim population and no fertility convergence. Compare this with Pew's cohort-component projections.
The article covers the Muslim community in Vaasa, which has grown partly through international students and prays in three rented spaces. The University of Vaasa's international student numbers have more than doubled in a year. The community would be interested in buying the Vetokannas church and converting it into a mosque. According to Edla Mäkelä, chief architect of the Church Administration, no church in Finland has previously been converted into a mosque. That church is not for sale.
Jerusalem Post: Registered Muslim membership in Norway grew from 72,000 (2006) to an estimated 197,000+ (2025), about +174%. Church of Norway membership, meanwhile, fell from 85% (1994) to 62% (2024).
The European Conservative reports Dutch demographer Jan Latten's estimate: Muslims would grow from about one million today (~6%) to 3–4 million by 2050 (~20% of a 20-million population). The estimate assumes migration continues at the current rate.
CEU CEFAS, Observatorio Demográfico (Informe 23)2026-03
Summary
A report by the demographic observatory of San Pablo CEU University estimates Spain's Muslim population at 2.4–2.5 million at the start of 2025, about 5% of the population: roughly 3.6% first-generation immigrants and about 1.4% people born in Spain with at least one Muslim-background parent. About 11% of babies born in Spain in 2024 had at least one Muslim-background parent. The report attributes the gap to Muslim women's fertility being two to three times that of Spanish women. About 85% of first-generation Muslim immigrants come from Africa, and around 65% of the whole group is of Moroccan origin. Here too, this publication defines Muslim identity by country of origin and parental background rather than religious conviction.
Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge (BAMF), Forschungsbericht 552026-06-18
Summary
A calculation by Germany's Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF) puts the number of Muslims living in Germany at 6.6–7.0 million in 2025, or 8.0–8.5% of the population. The share is up 1.6–1.8 percentage points on the 2019 estimate, mainly because of migration from crisis regions in the Middle East. The largest background group is Turkish (39.4%), followed by Arab (29.4%). The Turkish share has been falling since 2008. The figure is an extrapolation combining first results from the 2025 microcensus with the 2020 Muslim Life in Germany survey. Muslims are counted as immigrants with a background in Muslim-majority countries and their German-born descendants, rather than by religious self-identification, which is why the result is given as a range.
Integration
The immigration debate often holds that investing in integration in particular is what reduces the problems associated with immigration. Finland spends a great deal on integration, yet many of its measures show weak results, especially for certain immigrant groups. Integration can be measured from many angles: school outcomes, language skills, residential segregation and the effectiveness of integration measures. Whatever the measure, the differences between background groups are large and narrow slowly. Some groups need practically no integration measures at all, while others absorb considerable spending without particularly successful outcomes.
Sections in this group and their figures
EducationIn PISA 2025, Finland-born 15-year-olds of immigrant background were more than three school years behind native pupils in reading (66 points), and foreign-born ones more than five (113 points).
Language proficiencyIn the 2022 population survey 63 percent of immigrants reported at least moderate Finnish or Swedish. Of those who completed integration training in 2022–2023, 32 percent reached the B1.1 target and 68 percent fell short of it.
Residential segregationAt the end of 2025 the capital region had nine residential areas where people of foreign background were the majority. The largest share was in Havukoski in Vantaa, 59%.
Child welfare placementsAccording to a register study of 1991–2015, 9.6–10.4% of the Finland-born second generation of foreign background had been placed outside the home at least once, against 3.6% of the majority population.
Partner choice and mixed-background couplesA shrinking share of foreign-background people's couples include a Finnish-background partner: down from 82% (1992) to 44% (2025).
In PISA 2025, Finland-born 15-year-olds of immigrant background were more than three school years behind native pupils in reading (66 points), and foreign-born ones more than five (113 points).
The foreign-background share of Finland's comprehensive-school pupils rose from 8.1% to 13.1% in just five years (2020–2025).
Espoo already has eight schools where more than half the pupils speak a foreign first language, and across the city the share is about 32% (2026).
Education is a basic measure of integration, because it predicts later employment and income. Learning outcomes also say how well school evens out differences in starting points.
Pupils of immigrant background achieve worse learning outcomes in Finland than the native-background population. In PISA 2025 the native group was 66 points ahead of second-generation pupils in reading and 113 points ahead of the first generation. The gap narrows in the second generation but does not close. Socio-economic background alone narrows the reading gap by 18 points in the second generation and by 24 in the first. With home language and grade held constant as well, the reading gaps are 32 and 63 points, so about half of the gap remains. Finland's gaps are among the largest in the OECD. To the extent that the gap appears to narrow, part of the reason is a decline in native-background results.
In PISA 2025 the gap between native and immigrant-background 15-year-olds was large in reading, mathematics and science. Only Mongolia, Brazil, the Philippines and Lebanon had wider second-generation gaps in science. Holding background factors constant roughly halves the gap but does not remove it. Even the smallest remainder, 25 points in mathematics in the second generation, is more than a school year.
Finland's overall result has fallen, but the fall does not come only from immigrant-background pupils. Between 2012 and 2025 mathematics scores fell by 45 points among native pupils and by 22 points in the second generation.
Immigrant-background pupils' gap to the native group, before and after background factors are held constant · Finland, PISA 2025
A bar to the left is points below the native population. The upper bar is the measured gap, the lower one the gap after background factors are held constant, and the difference between them is the part that background explains.
PISA score points relative to native-background pupils
As measuredBackground held constant
Reading, first generation
−113−63
Science, first generation
−100−48
Science, second generation
−73−37
Mathematics, first generation
−69−35
Reading, second generation
−66−32
Mathematics, second generation
−46−25
About 20 PISA points corresponds to one school year of learning on average.
Native = pupils with at least one parent born in Finland. Second generation = born in Finland with both parents born abroad. First generation = born abroad themselves.
Held constant here means three things together: the pupil's socio-economic background (PISA's ESCS index), the language spoken at home and the grade level. The report notes that the last two are very weakly related to attainment once socio-economic background is accounted for. In the report's figures, socio-economic background alone accounts for about half of the whole narrowing in reading and science and for two thirds or more in mathematics.
The report gives every gap three ways: as measured, with the pupil's socio-economic background held constant, and with home language and grade level held constant as well. The chart shows the first and the last of those. Holding socio-economic background alone constant gives the intermediate step: 48 and 89 points in reading, 29 and 47 in mathematics, 54 and 74 in science.
Mean scores were 487, 421 and 374 in reading, 478, 432 and 409 in mathematics and 517, 444 and 417 in science. Finland's national averages were 474, 469 and 504.
PISA 2025 assessed 15-year-olds with science as the main domain for the third time. There were 6,758 participants from the native group, 243 from the second generation and 294 from the first. The groups are small, so even large point differences are not always statistically significant. Country of birth was missing for 373 pupils, 5 per cent, which is 3 percentage points more than in 2015.
Between 2012 and 2025 native pupils' science scores fell by 35 points. The first generation's changes in mathematics and science were 17 and 9 points, and neither was statistically significant, because the group is small. Between 2022 and 2025 the native group's 13-point decline was statistically significant in mathematics and reading. In science no group's change was significant.
Holding a factor constant is not a causal claim. It says how much of the gap remains when pupils of similar background are compared, not what causes the gap.
Foreign-background pupils' share in comprehensive school by region · Finland 2020 → 2025
The share of foreign-background pupils in comprehensive-school grades 1–9 has risen from 8.1% to 13.1% in five years (2020–2025). Regional differences are large: the share in Uusimaa is several times that of the regions with the least immigration.
Foreign background = both parents (or the only known parent) born abroad. Finland-born second-generation pupils are included, so the share exceeds the foreign-language share.
Kainuu's 2020 marker is missing (value suppressed in the source table).
The claim that immigrant-background pupils do not lower a school's results can be examined with the PISA 2022 data, in which schools are grouped by the share of these pupils. The school average falls clearly as the share rises, because these pupils are part of the school's result. Native pupils' own average shows no fall, but some native families choose another school or move away.
Immigrant-background pupils' own results fall steeply as the share rises, and socio-economic background explains only a small part of it. The researchers see incomplete command of the language of instruction as the most likely cause.
Change in mean score between schools with under 5% and at least 40% immigrant-background pupils · Finland, PISA 2022
The bar is the change in points when a school's share of immigrant-background pupils rises from under 5 per cent to at least 40. The upper bar is unadjusted, the lower one adjusted for socio-economic background.
PISA score points
UnadjustedAdjusted for socio-economic status
Native (reading)
+8+1
Native (mathematics)
+7+1
Immigrant background (mathematics)
−40−32
Immigrant background (reading)
−44−38
About 20 PISA points corresponds to one school year of learning on average.
Native pupils' mean shows no fall as the immigrant-background share rises: it is 7 to 8 points higher in the highest-share schools. The difference is small and it has not been tested. Immigrant-background pupils' own mean collapses, and adjusting for socio-economic status does not remove the association: 32 of the 40-point mathematics gap and 38 of the 44-point reading gap remain.
The authors themselves read this more cautiously: the Finnish data supports the international finding only in part, socio-economic status rather than the immigrant-background share as such may explain the association, and they put the gap that survives adjustment down to things like limited command of the language of instruction.
Values were read off the report's charts. Data: PISA 2022 Finland, 241 schools and 10,239 pupils, of whom 1,866 (18%) had an immigrant background (oversample).
The median immigrant-background share across sampled schools was 6%, and in only about 10% of schools was at least one pupil in three of immigrant background. The top group is therefore small and its figures noisier.
“Immigrant background” here means a pupil whose parents were both born abroad (1st and 2nd generation combined). It is not the same as speaking a foreign first language, though the groups overlap heavily.
Adjustment means the pupil's socio-economic status (PISA's ESCS index: parents' education and occupational status plus household assets) is computationally raised to the native level. The adjustment covers the pupil's own background and nothing else. The report does not adjust for a school's location, for the type of municipality, or for the mean socio-economic status of the school's pupils. In large cities, then, a school's result may be lifted by things that have not been separated from the immigrant-background share, school choice and weighted-curriculum classes among them.
This is an observed association, not a causal effect, because pupils are not allocated to schools at random.
The fall in a school's own mean is this site's calculation from the report's figures, not a result the report states. It comes from weighting the group's native and immigrant-background means by their shares of the pupils: in the top group at least 40% of pupils have an immigrant background and their mean sits 89 points below the native one. The calculation assumes a share of exactly 40%, the floor of the group, so the real difference is larger. This follows from the composition of the pupil body, not from an effect of the school on any individual pupil.
The oversample does not distort the school grouping. A school's immigrant-background share is computed across its full PISA target population rather than across the pupils drawn for the test, and the national figures correct the over-representation with sampling weights. Two other sampling points remain: even weighted, the immigrant-background share in the data (7%) is lower than the foreign-background share among 15-year-olds in population statistics (9%), and the pupils who had to be invited were as a rule those with more than a year in Finnish- or Swedish-language instruction, so the most recent arrivals may be missing. Both missing groups are likely to be below average, so the measured gap is more likely an under- than an over-estimate.
The report gives no statistical test for the native comparison, although it reports significance in nearly every other comparison it makes, and it publishes no standard errors or confidence intervals anywhere. A reader therefore cannot judge how precise the flat native result is.
The same chapter reports that in schools where at least 10% of pupils have an immigrant background, pupils are streamed by ability into separate classes or teaching groups considerably more often than elsewhere: 42% of pupils against 25%, a statistically significant difference. Streaming is a possible mechanism that could hold the native mean up even where the school's overall level falls. The report does not connect the two findings. That link is this site's observation.
The flat native result is partly geographic. The report puts native pupils' socio-economic status lowest in the rural schools with the fewest immigrant-background pupils and second lowest in the large-city suburban schools where they are most numerous, so the comparison sets one native population against another. Adjustment takes the native advantage from 7 to 8 points down to one point, but the report itself stresses that native socio-economic status did not vary greatly between the school groups. Some native families also choose a different school (see this section's articles).
Native–immigrant mathematics gap by the school's share of immigrant-background pupils · Finland, PISA 2022
The gap widens steadily with the school's share of immigrant-background pupils, from 42 points in the lowest group to 89 in the highest. Adjusting for socio-economic status narrows it by 17–31 points, most in the top group, where the socio-economic difference was largest. Even after adjustment, the gap still widens with the share (25 → 58 points).
PISA score points (native − immigrant background)
UnadjustedAdjusted for socio-economic status
Details
Differences were computed from means read off the report's charts. The horizontal axis is the school's share of immigrant-background pupils.
Same caveats as the previous chart: the top group is small, this is an association rather than a causal effect, and the adjustment covers only socio-economic status as measured by the ESCS index.
S2, Finnish as a second language and literature, is the mother-tongue subject syllabus for pupils whose Finnish is not yet good enough for ordinary mother-tongue teaching. It has its own objectives and assessment and is not remedial teaching. Teachers assess the pupil's need, but the guardian decides whether the child studies S2 or the ordinary mother-tongue syllabus.
S2 is chosen on the basis of language skill, not origin. So the S2 share is not the same thing as the foreign-background share, and children born in Finland study S2 too. The S2 share shows more directly than origin how many pupils do not yet have full command of the language of instruction.
S2 pupils' share of first-graders in the largest cities · Finnish-language schools, 2024–2025
In the 2024–2025 school year at least 11.5% of first-graders in Finnish-language schools studied S2. In Vantaa the share was over a third, in Espoo, Turku and Helsinki about a quarter, and in Oulu under a tenth. Helsinki, Espoo, Vantaa and Turku have a quarter of the country's first-graders but more than half of its S2 first-graders. The differences between schools are large as well. More than half of Finnish-language schools had no S2 first-grader at all, and half of all S2 first-graders attended fewer than a tenth of the schools. School-level shares are in the map view.
The National Agency for Education does not publish S2 at school level, so the figures are Iltalehti's own inquiry. Only first-graders and only Finnish-language schools are included, not the R2 pupils of Swedish-language schools.
The source suppresses counts of 1–4 pupils. The chart counts each suppressed school as one pupil, so the figures are lower bounds. If each had four, the national share would be 14.0% and Oulu's 8.9%. In the other cities in the chart the difference is under two percentage points.
The chart shows the cities whose Finnish-language schools have more than 1,000 first-graders.
Pupils in own-mother-tongue instruction · 2018–2025
Own-mother-tongue instruction supplements basic education, and it is voluntary both for the municipality and for the pupil. The state grant covers at most two weekly hours per notional group of four pupils. In autumn 2025 there were 24 827 participants, 63 languages and 85 providers.
Pupils and students
AutumnSpring
Details
The figures come from grant applications rather than from a school register. They therefore say what teaching a grant was applied for.
Spring and autumn are two terms of the same calendar year, not the same group counted twice. Autumn is larger in almost every year because new pupils start at the beginning of the school year.
The cost is not published separately. The 2024 general grant for foreign-language pupils was EUR 22 475 000, and it covers Finnish or Swedish as a second language, other support for teaching, and own-mother-tongue instruction in one sum.
Computed with the grant's own coefficients, own-mother-tongue instruction comes to something on the order of EUR 12 million a year: 24 827 pupils in notional groups of four, two weekly hours, 38 school weeks and EUR 25 per teaching hour. This is the site's own calculation rather than an official figure, and it assumes the groups are full. The calculation is still a work in progress, and its figures may change.
In PISA 2022 pupils report clearly more safety risks in schools where at least a tenth of the pupils have an immigrant background than in other schools. The gap is larger in Finland than on the OECD average. Immigrant-background pupils themselves also report more safety risks and feel less safe at school than native pupils, most of all those born abroad.
The gap between big-city and rural schools is almost as large, and immigrant-background pupils are concentrated in cities, so part of the gap may come from location. In Finland, socio-economically disadvantaged schools do not report more safety risks than advantaged ones.
Gap in school safety risks between groups of schools · Finland and the OECD average, PISA 2022
The rows compare schools where at least 10% of pupils have an immigrant background with those under 10%, big-city schools with rural ones, and socio-economically disadvantaged schools with advantaged ones. Each bar shows how much higher the safety-risk index is in the first group. The index has an OECD mean of 0 and a standard deviation of 1, so 0.24 is about a quarter of a standard deviation. In Finland the index was 0.44 in schools where at least 10% of pupils have an immigrant background and 0.20 in other schools. In Norway the same gap was 0.14, and in Sweden 0.07, which is not statistically significant.
The index is built from 15-year-old pupils' answers to five questions about what happened at school in the previous four weeks: whether there had been vandalism at the school, whether they had seen a fight in which someone was hurt, whether gangs had been seen at school, whether a pupil had threatened to hurt another, and whether anyone had been seen with a gun or a knife. It is not data recorded by the police or the school.
In Finland, figures on school safety by the school's share of immigrant-background pupils have been published only in PISA. The school health survey reports its results by the pupil's own background.
The 10% threshold is low. Half of the schools had fewer than 6% immigrant-background pupils, and about a third of schools were above 10%. The group therefore does not mean schools with an immigrant majority.
The gaps are unadjusted, so the groups of schools also differ in other ways than the characteristic named on the row.
Big city means a city of over 100,000 people and rural a village of under 3,000. The socio-economic row is the OECD table's advantaged-minus-disadvantaged gap with the sign reversed. Finland's 0.03 is not statistically different from zero, while Finland's other two gaps are significant.
At pupil level the safety-risk index was 0.24 for native pupils, 0.35 for the second generation and 0.41 for the first generation. The feeling-safe index was 0.39, 0.28 and 0.08 respectively. One in ten first-generation pupils had stayed home at least a few times a month because they felt unsafe at school, against 4% of native pupils.
Where PISA measures what 15-year-olds know in a single test, completing a qualification shows how many finish the education they began. That is a different question, one that follows each group from its own starting line and so needs no age control.
The result depends on the level of education. Finland-born people of foreign background finish the higher education they start about as often as natives. In general upper secondary school they fall a little behind. In vocational education they graduate least often of the three groups, less often even than the foreign-born.
Share holding the qualification they started, 5.5 years after starting, by education sector · Finland 2024
% of those who started
Finnish background, born in FinlandForeign background, born in FinlandForeign background, born abroad
Details
The measure is the share of those who started in that sector and hold that same sector's qualification 5.5 years later. Someone who switched sector and graduated there does not count as having completed.
No age control is needed, because the measure follows each starting cohort from its own starting line.
At university and university of applied sciences, the foreign-born include international degree students who came to Finland for the degree. That raises the group's completion share and does not describe foreign-background people who grew up in Finland.
The second generation's starting numbers are small, about 850 in general upper secondary and about 200 at university in 2024, so a single year's movement can be noise.
Early leavers from education and training (18–24) by origin · Finland (2024)
Early school leaving is markedly more common among foreign-born youth than among the native population. The gap is moderate by EU standards.
9.2%Native-born
13%Foreign-born
3.8 pp higher for the foreign-born than for the native population, 9.6% nationwide.
Details
An early leaver = an 18–24-year-old with at most lower-secondary education who is not in further education or training.
Finland's gap is small by EU standards, and this compares the foreign-born (1st generation) with the native population. No separate 2nd-generation figure is published for this indicator.
On the NEET measure (youth not in employment, education or training) the origin gap is typically larger: across OECD countries the foreign-born average is about 19% vs about 14% for the native-born. Finland's NEET figures by country of birth for 2004–2025 are in the chart Integration indicators by country of birth, in the section Integration policy: costs and effectiveness.
Share with a tertiary degree among 25–34-year-olds by origin · Finland (2025)
Educational attainment is also lower among people of immigrant background than among native Finns. Among foreign-background people schooled in Finland, fewer hold a tertiary degree than among the native population, and more are left with only basic education (13.7% vs. 7.2% for natives).
% of 25–34-year-olds in the group
Details
Native = Finnish background. 2nd gen = foreign background born in Finland. 1st gen = foreign background born abroad.
Only some degrees earned abroad are entered in Finland's qualification register. About 53% of the 1st generation therefore have an “unknown” education level, and their 23% figure is a floor, not a real level. The reliable comparison is the native population vs. the Finnish-schooled 2nd generation. Statistics Finland's estimate of the education of the foreign-born after supplementary surveys and estimation is in the next chart.
Finnish-born people of foreign background aged 25–34 are still few (~8,400) and skew toward the earliest immigrant cohorts.
Share with tertiary and with at most basic education among 18–64-year-olds by origin, Statistics Finland's estimate · Finland (2023)
Statistics Finland supplemented its register of qualifications with surveys aimed at the foreign-born in 2019 and 2023 and estimated the remaining missing education data statistically. According to the estimate, 41% of foreign-born people of foreign background aged 18 to 64 held a tertiary degree in 2023, and 16% had at most basic education. In the rest of the population the shares were 39% and 12%. In the register without the estimate, 24.7% of the same group held a tertiary degree, and education data were missing for 44.5%. The differences between language groups are large: 60% of Chinese speakers held a tertiary degree, against 24% of Kurdish speakers and 17% of Somali speakers.
% of people aged 18 to 64
Rest of the populationForeign-born of foreign background, estimateSame group in the register without the estimate
Details
The foreign-born of foreign background are the first generation in Statistics Finland's classification by origin. The rest of the population means people of Finnish background and Finland-born people of foreign background.
According to Statistics Finland the register of qualifications covers degrees completed abroad incompletely, because people moving to Finland are not asked about the education they completed abroad. The 2023 survey was aimed at people of foreign background aged 18 to 59 whose qualification was not known. There were 81,200 of them, and the response rate was 26 per cent. The surveys of 2019 and 2023 added nearly 45,000 qualifications to the register. Of the 2023 respondents 64 per cent held a tertiary degree and only 3 per cent had basic education alone, so the surveys reached people with only basic education poorly.
Before the estimation Statistics Finland took basic education as the highest level for those who had arrived under the age of 18 or had taken part in basic education for adults in 2020–2023, where no other qualification was known. It estimated the remaining missing data by multiple imputation from age, sex, age at arrival, occupation, income level and main activity. The estimation added 70,000 tertiary and 78,000 upper secondary qualifications for the group.
According to Statistics Finland the 16 per cent share with only basic education should be read with caution, because the register data underlying it were skewed by level of education and the inference did not correct the skew entirely. Statistics Finland calls the estimate a one-off.
The register bar is the site's own calculation from Statistics Finland's table 15ig, in which the foreign-born of foreign background aged 18 to 64 are summed over single years of age. In 2023 there were 396,210 of them, of whom 97,939 held a tertiary degree and 176,415 had an unknown level of education. The official table does not include the estimate, and in 2025 its shares were 23.0 and 48.0 per cent. There is no basic-education bar for the register, because the group with an unknown level of education holds both people whose foreign degree is missing from the register and people who attended only basic school in their country of origin or have no schooling at all.
In the article's text the tertiary share of the foreign-born is 41 per cent in one place and 42 per cent in another. The chart's figure of 41 matches the article's figure 6.
The language-group figures come from the article's text. The article's figure 4 also shows the shares for other language groups, but Statistics Finland did not publish them as numbers. A doctorate was held by 3 per cent of the foreign-born of foreign background and by 7 per cent of Chinese speakers, and according to Statistics Finland the share is considerably higher than among people of Finnish background.
In the chart, shares of ten per cent or more are rounded to whole numbers. Under Show the figures the register share is given to one decimal.
The teaching is voluntary in both directions, it runs to at most two hours a week, and its cost sits in the same EUR 22.5 million budget line as second-language teaching. A national evaluation exists, but it did not measure learning outcomes.
Kansallinen koulutuksen arviointikeskus (Karvi)2023
Summary
The main recruitment problems are that applicants lack teacher training, teaching experience or sufficient Finnish. A third of providers can and a third cannot give adequate support with current resources. Classes are often held in the evening, and only about half of the mother-tongue teachers worked with a preparatory-education teacher or a special-needs teacher. Teachers say quality would improve if classes were grouped by age and the syllabus were returned to the national core curriculum. The evaluation has effectiveness in its title, but the report defines it as the teaching's capacity and opportunities to support the intended changes, and the material is a survey. Learning outcomes were not measured, so whether the teaching affects language skills or school performance is not known in Finland.
The 2024 general grant was EUR 22 475 000 for foreign-language pupils and EUR 75 000 for Sami and Romani pupils. The same sum covers three things: Finnish or Swedish as a second language, other support for teaching, and own-mother-tongue instruction. The coefficients are public even though the split is not: the computed cost of a teaching hour is EUR 25, the grant covers at most 86 % of accepted computed costs, and own-mother-tongue instruction is funded for at most two weekly hours per notional group of four pupils. Two pupils form a group where four cannot be found.
In autumn 2025 the teaching reached 24 827 pupils and students, in 63 languages, from 85 providers. In autumn 2018 the figures were 20 732, 58 and 88, so participation has grown by about a fifth while the number of providers has stood still. The largest languages in autumn 2025 were Russian 5 931, Arabic 3 019, Somali 2 108, Ukrainian 1 746, English 1 361 and Albanian 1 206. Ukrainian grew from 105 pupils to 1 746 in three years.
A pupil whose Finnish is not sufficient for the Finnish language and literature syllabus can study the S2 syllabus. The teachers who teach the pupil assess the need together, and the guardian decides on the syllabus. A pupil can move to the Finnish language and literature syllabus once their language skills reach the S2 objectives.
S2 teaching has its own content, objectives and assessment criteria and is not remedial teaching. Some S2 pupils were born in Finland and have lived here for years, while others have just moved from preparatory teaching into mainstream classes. In grades 1–9, 42,906 pupils studied the S2 syllabus in the 2021–2022 school year, against 35,934 two years earlier (Vipunen).
Finland · PISA 2022: 58% of first-generation immigrant pupils fell below the baseline level in mathematics (native-background pupils: 22%). In reading, 61% were below the baseline. The gap is also visible in the second generation (43% / 39%).
Koulutuksen tutkimuslaitos, Valtioneuvoston julkaisuja 2024:612024-12-10
Summary
In the second international survey of adult skills (PIAAC II, data 2022–2023) the native population in Finland averaged 307 points in literacy, the second generation of immigrants 292 and the first generation 201. The 106-point gap between natives and the first generation was the largest among the report's comparison countries. It was 52 points in Sweden, 54 in Norway and 39 on average across OECD countries. Those who had lived in Finland for at most five years averaged 176 and those here longer 211. About 70 per cent of the shorter-stay group and about half of the longer-stay group had inadequate skills. On the other hand, nearly a fifth of those here at most five years had at least good literacy, and the second generation did not differ significantly from natives, though it was observed only in small numbers. The tasks could be done only in Finnish or Swedish. Just over 3 per cent of the sample answered only a short doorstep interview because of their language skills, and the report says first-generation results are not fully comparable across countries.
Euroopan komissio, Education and Training Monitor (Suomen maaraportti)2025
Summary
According to the Commission's country report, underachievement among foreign-born pupils in Finland stands at 57%, one of the highest rates in the EU, and the gap remains significant even after accounting for socio-economic background and the language spoken at home. Early leaving from education is 13.0% among the foreign-born against 9.2% among the native-born. The share of disadvantaged pupils reaching a good level of basic skills has fallen by 8 percentage points since 2015: Finland remains more equitable than the EU average, but the trend is downwards.
Economics of Education Review 88 (Green & Iversen)2022
Summary
The study compares siblings at the same school whose year groups had different shares of refugee pupils. In Norway the state assigns refugees a municipality to live in, which limits families' sorting into schools. A larger refugee share lowered native pupils' mathematics scores. A rise of five percentage points cut scores by the equivalent of 3 per cent of an expected year's progress on average, and the authors consider the effect important. There was no effect on Norwegian or English scores, and the share of other immigrants had no effect on any test. The negative effect came mainly from refugee children from Africa and the Middle East, whose own mathematics scores were the lowest of the groups. The effect of refugee children from Asia was positive but not statistically significant. The authors warn against generalising the results for one refugee group to others.
European Sociological Review 39(3) (Hassan, Hvidtfeldt, Andersen & Udsen)2023
Summary
The study compares year groups at the same school, some of which received a newly arrived refugee child between two national tests and some of which did not. The effect is measured on all other pupils, including those of immigrant background who have lived in Denmark for longer. Refugee children went to schools whose results were weaker even before they arrived: the receiving year groups were about 6.7 per cent of a standard deviation behind in the Danish test. Once that selection was taken into account, the arrival of a refugee child did not affect other pupils' progress in Danish or mathematics. The authors call the effect statistically insignificant and substantively unimportant, and they describe the estimates as precise. The authors note that each year group received few refugee children and that Denmark takes in fewer refugees than Germany or Sweden. They cannot rule out a different result with a larger intake, and the study does not measure long-term effects.
A study by the University of Jyväskylä and the Ministry of Education and Culture using PISA 2022 data (241 schools, over 10,200 pupils, about 1,900 of them of immigrant background): 61% of first-generation immigrant pupils had weak reading skills and 58% weak mathematics skills. In the second generation the figures were 39% and 43%, against roughly 21% and 25% for all pupils. The researchers note that the gap between immigrant-background and native pupils has narrowed above all because the proficiency of majority-population pupils has declined.
An Yle report from two Helsinki schools where more than two thirds of pupils have an immigrant background and around 30 languages are spoken. Pupils call the language of the schoolyard "mamusuomi" (immigrant Finnish). Behind it is the same research finding as above: 61% of first-generation immigrant pupils read too poorly to take full part in society. The recommendation cited is that the immigrant-background share of a class should stay at 20–30% at most. At the Itäkeskus school, over 70% of pupils go on to upper secondary education. Education Minister Anders Adlercreutz promised more weekly hours of mother tongue and literature in primary school, a reform of learning support, and €50 million in equity funding for hiring staff. This is a good example of how immigration adds to public costs in education too.
A first-grade Finnish lesson at Itäkeskus comprehensive school in Helsinki cannot be called a mother-tongue lesson, because not one pupil has Finnish as a first language. The split groups of two first-grade classes were present, 17 pupils, all of them S2 pupils (Finnish as a second language). Ten different languages are spoken in one of the school's classes, and S2 pupils are numerous at other year levels too. Some 7-year-olds read more fluently than many native Finnish speakers, while others decode mechanically without fully understanding the text. Teachers say preparing materials at several levels adds work, and interpreters are needed often because no common language can be found. A particular challenge is that for some children Finnish is present only at school: the mother tongue is spoken at home, and the child may be the best Finnish speaker in the family.
At Kirsti school in Espoo, 92% of the roughly 450 pupils speak a foreign first language, and 55 different native languages are spoken (Albanian the most common, then English). Across Espoo about 32% of pupils speak something other than Finnish, Swedish or Sámi as their first language, and in eight Espoo schools the foreign-language share exceeds 50%. The principal says that once the share of foreign-language children passed 40–50%, Finnish-speaking parents began considering moving their child to another school.
A follow-up on the Kirsti school in Espoo (about 450 pupils, 92% of them foreign-language speakers): Espoo now has eight schools where foreign-language pupils are more than half. Politicians from the Greens, the National Coalition and the Social Democrats describe the trend as segregation that has gone "in a really difficult direction". The measures floated include mixing rental and owner-occupied housing, redrawing school catchment areas and expanding specialised teaching programmes. They disagree about where responsibility lies and which measures would work.
Helsinki is redrawing the catchment areas of comprehensive schools in its eastern districts: children from Puu-Myllypuro will move to Itäkeskus comprehensive school from 2027, and later so will children from the Karhunkaataja area. The official justification is evening out pupil numbers, but the change is also driven by concern over residential segregation. Itäkeskus has very few children who speak Finnish as their first language, and officials are now saying out loud that without the transfer, the risk is that its pupils will not learn Finnish. The school boards disagreed: Itäkeskus called the change excellent, Myllypuro opposed it.
Last year 65% of pupils at Itäkeskus comprehensive school studied Finnish as a second language. Among first-graders the share was 84%. Helsinki has decided to redraw its catchment areas so that more pupils transfer to Itäkeskus comprehensive school, particularly from areas with a Finnish-background population. Parents in Herttoniemi have appealed the decision to the administrative court. Their main concern is the longer journey to school. One parent interviewed also raises the number of second-language pupils, while saying they have heard a great deal of good about the school. According to Ville Raatikainen, the city's director of basic education, the sole reason is evening out pupil numbers, because Myllypuro is full and the Itäkeskus school is being extended, while Kaisa Eskola (Left Alliance), who chairs the committee division, also cites an aim to reduce segregation. Doctoral researcher Oskar Rönnberg's work puts the school argument in proportion: families with children are indeed keen to move away from more disadvantaged and ethnically diverse areas, but schools are not the reason. By far the most important reason was a perceived lack of safety in the area, problems of social order and visible substance use. Turku does not treat redrawing catchment areas as its primary tool. It invests instead in the schools of weaker areas, with smaller teaching groups, more learning materials, more assistants and special-needs teachers, and with specialisation classes.
Teachers interviewed by MTV describe everyday life with Finnish-as-a-second-language pupils: some pupils speak no Finnish at all when they start, and differentiating the teaching takes time away from the other pupils. In Helsinki, several schools have a majority of foreign-language pupils, while at Sammu school in Huittinen S2 pupils are about 7% and the teacher says the language catches on fast in a Finnish-speaking environment. The state funds language support at €50 million a year, rising to €75 million from 2027. The piece is based on teacher interviews and a survey answered by 31 of some 1,700 class teachers.
Language proficiencySkillsEconomy
Key figures
In the 2022 population survey 63 percent of immigrants reported at least moderate Finnish or Swedish. Of those who completed integration training in 2022–2023, 32 percent reached the B1.1 target and 68 percent fell short of it.
One of the most essential parts of integration is knowing the language. Without it, neither an understanding of the surrounding culture nor ties to it form as readily. There are two figures for language proficiency, and they measure different groups. A population survey covers everyone who has moved to Finland. The training statistics cover only those who finished a course, and only some are eligible for one. What the language is enough for at school is under education, and what the teaching costs under integration policy.
Two figures for language proficiency, two different groups
The first figure covers everyone who has moved to Finland, including those who never attended a course. The two that follow cover only those who completed integration training, that is the training's best possible result. The figures are not comparable with one another.
63%Report at least moderate Finnish or Swedish (population survey)
32%Reached the B1.1 target, of those completing integration training
68%Fell short of the B1.1 target, of those completing integration training
Details
The first figure is a self-assessment in a survey. The two that follow are a measured level. They do not measure the same thing or the same group.
The training figures cover only those who finished: people who dropped out or never started are not in them.
Language proficiency across the whole immigrant population
THL's MoniSuomi 2022 is the most recent survey-based language figure that also covers people who have attended no course at all: 63% reported speaking Finnish or Swedish at least at intermediate level, leaving 37% below it. The spread between background countries runs from 89% to 40%. These are self-assessments rather than test results, “intermediate” corresponds to no level of the Common European Framework, and self-assessment usually overstates.
From the 2014 survey on the work and well-being of people of foreign origin: three in four rated their Finnish or Swedish at least intermediate. The figure cannot be set beside MoniSuomi's 63% as a time series. The populations differ: UTH covered people of foreign origin aged 15–64, MoniSuomi foreign-born people aged 20–74. The question is not the same either. The gap mainly shows that two self-assessment surveys do not make a trend.
A THL population survey of 7,838 foreign-born respondents, collected between September 2022 and March 2023. The question was put to everyone regardless of whether they had attended any course, which makes it the most recent survey-based figure covering the whole population. Of all immigrants 63% reported speaking Finnish or Swedish at least at intermediate level: 68% of women and 57% of men aged 20–74. The spread between background countries is steep: 89% of women from Estonia, 80% of women from Russia or the Soviet Union against 60% of the men, while the figure is 44% for people from South-East Asia and 40% for those from the rest of Asia, the Americas and Oceania. The regional pattern runs against expectation: 70–71% in Kymenlaakso, Päijät-Häme and Central Uusimaa, 60% in Helsinki and 59% in Western Uusimaa.
Breaks the MoniSuomi distribution down further than the combined share: about a quarter rate themselves excellent, about a third beginners, and about one in ten report speaking neither national language at all. Proficiency was weakest among those who came for work or study, who may not need the language day to day and some of whom are in the country temporarily. The page notes that survey data is needed because register data cannot measure language skills.
What integration training aims at, and what it reaches
The linguistic target of integration training is B1.1, and about a third of those who complete the training reach it. The figure covers only those who finished: people who dropped out or never started are not in it, so it is the training's best possible result rather than an average for immigrants. There is no sign of improvement: in 2013–2016 just under 35% of those finishing reached B1.
Owal Group, työ- ja elinkeinoministeriön tilauksesta2025
Summary
The linguistic target of integration training is B1.1, a functional basic proficiency. According to the review, a ministry survey of the ELY centres in summer 2024 found that in the training the centres purchased in 2022 and 2023, 32% of everyone who completed it reached at least B1.1, so 68% fell short of the target. Authors Risto Karinen, Taru Aihinen, Jenna Siltala and Olli Oosi. The cover is dated May 2024 although it cites a survey run that summer. The document was published in the government project portal in May 2025.
Who can get integration training
Integration training is reached through an integration plan, and the first plan must be drawn up within three years of the first residence permit or the registration of the right of residence. Under the law in force until the end of 2024, registered unemployed jobseekers and people receiving social assistance other than temporarily had a right to a plan. For others a plan could be drawn up if it was judged necessary. The training figures for 2022–2023 in this section's chart therefore mainly concern unemployed jobseekers, not employed work-based migrants, students or parents at home with children. The integration act that took effect at the start of 2025 widened the target group: the municipality must also assess the need for integration services of people granted international protection and their family members, and of those receiving child home care allowance. The three-year limit remained.
Under the 2025 integration act a plan is drawn up if the person is judged to need one. The employment authority draws it up for an unemployed jobseeker. The municipality draws it up for a person granted international protection or their family member, a person receiving social assistance other than temporarily, an unaccompanied minor and any other immigrant. The plan must be drawn up within three years of the first residence permit, residence card or registration of the right of residence. According to the page, the ground of residence should not by itself decide that no plan is made.
An immigrant has a right to an integration plan if they are unemployed and registered as a jobseeker, or if they receive social assistance other than temporarily. A plan may also be drawn up for another immigrant if the initial assessment finds they need one. The first plan must be drawn up within three years of the first residence permit or residence card, or of the registration of the right of residence.
Integration training is meant for immigrants who have completed compulsory education. It includes Finnish or Swedish language teaching, a work-placement period, recognition of earlier skills, and vocational planning and career guidance. At the end of the training the student takes a final language test. Integration training is provided mainly as labour market training, but it can also be taken as self-motivated study. Literacy training is provided separately by liberal adult education institutions and as part of basic education for adults.
What interpretation costs
Parts of the interpretation bill are known. The wellbeing services counties spent about EUR 35.3 million on interpretation and translation in 2024, about four million more than in 2023. The state bought translation and interpretation for EUR 16.5 million and the municipalities for EUR 5.8 million in 2022. The largest state buyers were the courts at 4.5 million, the Immigration Service at 3 million and the Prime Minister's Office at 2.6 million, and the Immigration Service's spending rose to 3.8 million in 2024. The figures come from different years and include translation, so they cannot be added up into the whole bill.
Suomen kääntäjien ja tulkkien liitto (SKTL)2023-05-02
Summary
The profession's own background report on the lack of regulation: the law sets no competence requirement for an interpreter, so a single assignment may be handled by anyone. Only the title of court interpreter is protected, and the register the National Agency for Education has kept since 2016 exists, but no authority is obliged to use an interpreter from it. The report comes from an interest organisation and its proposed remedy is an interpreting act, but its description of the current absence of regulation can be checked against the law. Its figures on public purchasing in 2022 come from Tutkihankintoja.fi: the state bought translation and interpretation for EUR 16.5 million and the municipalities for EUR 5.8 million. The largest state buyers were the courts at 4.5 million, the Immigration Service at 3 million and the Prime Minister's Office at 2.6 million.
The wellbeing services counties spent about EUR 35.3 million on interpretation and translation in 2024, about four million more than in 2023. The Immigration Service's spending rose from EUR 2.9 million in 2023 to 3.8 million in 2024. Interpretation costs at Kela and the employment offices began rising fast well before the Ukrainian refugees arrived, and according to the Keha Centre part of the offices' growth is remote interpretation, which has increased use. Spending in the cities with the most foreign-language residents stayed almost the same in 2023 and 2024. In Finland the right to service in one's own language does not depend on time in the country. In Denmark someone who has lived there more than three years pays for health-care interpretation themselves if they still cannot manage in Danish.
The language requirement for citizenship
The language level citizenship asks for is the same B1.1 that integration training aims at and that 32% of those completing it reach. Citizenship can also be obtained in Swedish, and some switch language for exactly that reason: Swedish is perceived as easier than Finnish because it is close to English and the other European languages. The route is small but growing: in 2022, 530 people took the intermediate test in Swedish against 6,869 in Finnish. The requirement can therefore also be met in a language that is the mother tongue of 285,360 people in Finland, about five per cent of the population, a third of them in Ostrobothnia.
Natalia Tolmacheva, a PhD in economics, studied Finnish for seven years without reaching the required level, switched to Swedish and passed the test at the first attempt after ten months of study. She speaks mainly English in Finland. In 2022, 530 people took the intermediate National Certificate in Swedish against 6,869 in Finnish, and demand for the Swedish test has grown by about a hundred takers a year. Lidiia Salo, who prepares candidates for the test, says Swedish is perceived as considerably easier than Finnish. Saara Kalajoki of the National Agency for Education offers another explanation: the choice usually follows from moving to a Swedish-speaking region or a Swedish-speaking spouse. One interviewee, Kia Lindberg of the Helsinki Adult Education Centre, raises the integration concern.
Citizenship requires satisfactory spoken and written Finnish or Swedish, normally demonstrated through the National Certificate of Language Proficiency. The bill adds knowledge of society to the conditions, to be shown through a new citizenship test from the beginning of 2027. The test would not be required of an applicant who has passed the Finnish- or Swedish-language matriculation examination in Finland or holds a Finnish- or Swedish-language higher-education degree. The bill estimates that about 2,000 people a year would be exempted this way.
There were 285,360 Swedish speakers at the end of 2024, about five per cent of the population, and the number is projected to fall to 281,789 by 2030 and 260,973 by 2050. The distribution is uneven: about a third live in Ostrobothnia, where Swedish speakers are a narrow majority, and although the capital region has the largest numbers (36,945 in Helsinki, 20,246 in Espoo), the share of each city's population is small. The compiler is an advocacy body for Swedish speakers, but the figures are Statistics Finland's.
Professional language skill, and whether anyone tests it
The general language certificate that suffices for citizenship does not measure the language of the job, and professional language skill is not measured in Finland at all: the law requires a health or social care professional to have sufficient language skills without defining what sufficient means, and no test exists. In SuPer's member survey in September 2024, 53% had seen dangerous situations caused by a foreign-language colleague's lack of Finnish and 83% found it a burden on themselves. The figures come from a union survey and measure a perception rather than a recorded incident, and SuPer is campaigning for a compulsory professional language test. The absence of such a test, however, can be checked against the law and does not rest on the survey.
“In Finland nurses' professional language skills are not tested at all. No such test even exists.” The law requires a health or social care professional to have sufficient language skills without defining what sufficient means, and only general proficiency is tested. Both nursing unions, SuPer and Tehy, regard this as a clear patient-safety risk. In SuPer's survey one per cent of respondents judged the professional language skills of those recruited from abroad to be sufficient. The unions blame employers' unwillingness to pay for language teaching.
A member survey run 2–22 September 2024 among members in employment, 3,255 responses. On the question about dangerous situations (n = 2,157), 14% answered yes, often and 39% yes, sometimes. In all, 53% had seen dangerous situations caused by a foreign-language colleague's lack of Finnish. 23% had not and 24% could not say. Of the respondents 83% agreed partly or fully that a colleague's weak language skills are a burden on them. The open answers return to medication, record-keeping, understanding care instructions, and tasks shifting to the Finnish-speaking staff. The survey is the union's own, the respondents are self-selected and the question measures a perception rather than a recorded incident. According to the report, respondents felt strongly that professional competence and language skills should be tested and verified before starting work.
At the end of 2025 the capital region had nine residential areas where people of foreign background were the majority. The largest share was in Havukoski in Vantaa, 59%.
Of all postal areas, the most people of foreign background live in Kontula, Vesala and Kivikko in Helsinki: 12,704, or 48.1% of the area's residents (2024). Nearly half the residents are of foreign background in Hakunila in Vantaa and Henttaa in Espoo as well.
In the Havukoski district of Vantaa, over 55% of residents speak a foreign first language (2026).
Integration can also be measured by whether immigrants live among the native population or concentrated with their own group. When the same groups concentrate in the same areas, segregation forms. A high foreign-background share can also make natives less willing to move to an area, because it often changes how the area is seen.
The foreign-background population is concentrated in the Helsinki Metropolitan Area, and the differences between neighbourhoods are sharper than those between municipalities. At the end of 2025 people of foreign background were the majority in nine residential areas in eastern Helsinki, Vantaa and Espoo, and in Turku's Varissuo the share approaches half of the residents in places. Socioeconomic segregation is rising in all the largest cities, and foreign-language speakers have kept concentrating in the most disadvantaged neighbourhoods. The dissimilarity index rose most in Helsinki but fell across the large-city average. It measures only how evenly a group is spread, not how large it is, so neighbourhood shares can grow even while the index falls.
Neighbourhood figures by origin are available from Suomen Perusta's lähiöluvut.fi. Some figures in this section concern people of foreign background and others foreign-language speakers, and each entry states which. How a neighbourhood is reflected in its schools is covered in Education. Changes in the make-up of the population and their causes are covered in Demographic change.
Where people of foreign background live in Finland · by the postal area's share
% of all people with a foreign background
20142024
Details
2,984 postal areas with data for both years are included. The source's area 99999 (“Tuntematon”) is left out: it is not a place but where the source files people whose postal code is unknown. In 2024 there were 78,206 of them, 22,955 of foreign background. It has 2.5 times the residents of the largest real postal area, so including it would skew the measure.
The national foreign-background share rose from 5.9% to 11.1%, so the distribution shifts right on the group's growth alone.
Dissimilarity index by postal area · Finland 2014 and 2024
Dissimilarity index
20142024
Details
The index is the share of foreign-background residents who would have to move to another postal area for the group to be spread evenly within the area.
Cities with at least 8 postal areas are included. The national figure is computed across all postal areas, so it is not on the same scale as a single city's.
Saukkonen 2026: diversity and residential areas in the capital region20267 findings
Pasi Saukkonen, City of Helsinki, Kaupunkitieto reviews, 13 October 2026. Statistics Finland population data for the end of 2025, by Helsinki's sub-districts, Espoo's small areas and Vantaa's districts
At the end of 2025, 24% of the capital region's residents, 313,109 people, were of foreign background. The share was 30% in Vantaa, 26% in Espoo and 22% in Helsinki.
People of foreign background were the majority in nine residential areas: Havukoski (59%), Länsimäki (57%) and Hakunila in Vantaa, Suvela (56%), Suurpelto and Otaniemi in Espoo, and Itäkeskus, Kontula and Jakomäki in Helsinki. Areas with very small populations are left out.
There were 40 areas of over 3,000 residents where at least a third were of foreign background. Most of them lie in eastern Helsinki and Vantaa, on a strip from Vuosaari to Havukoski, and a second cluster covers Myyrmäki, Martinlaakso, Kannelmäki, Malminkartano and Leppävaara.
Otaniemi differs from the other majority areas, because many of its residents are foreign employees of Aalto University and technology companies and international students.
According to the author, it is hard to find another metropolitan area in Europe whose population structure has changed as much, relative to its size, in as short a time. In 1990 people of foreign background were only about two per cent of the population even in Helsinki.
The author gives two explanations. Almost half of Finland's foreign-background population lives in the capital region, and the Finnish-background population of the region has shrunk in several years since 2020, because nearly all deaths have been of Finnish background and the birth rate has been low.
The dissimilarity index between foreign-language and domestic-language speakers has risen fairly steadily in Helsinki but stayed fairly stable in Espoo and Vantaa. Among language groups the most segregated were the Nepali, Albanian, Somali, Bengali, Tagalog and Urdu speakers (46–52%), while the index was 27% for Russian speakers and 32% for Estonian speakers.
Population, Space and Place 25(2) (Kauppinen & van Ham)2019
Summary
The study separates how moves within the region, moves from elsewhere in Finland, international migration, and births and deaths affected ethnic segregation. The dissimilarity index between the non-Western-origin and Finnish-origin populations stayed at 33–34 throughout. Moves within the region affected it most, and the two groups' moves pulled in opposite directions. Finnish-origin residents' moves increased segregation, and non-Western-origin residents' moves reduced it. In the areas with the highest non-Western-origin shares, the Finnish-origin population fell in 2011–2014 mainly through moves within the region. The authors find no sign of a general tendency among the non-Western-origin population to self-segregate. The average non-Western-origin share in the areas where non-Western-origin residents lived rose from about 5 per cent to 9 per cent. The rise came mainly from immigration and births, and it did not raise the dissimilarity index. The study measures moves, not the reasons for them. The authors suggest that besides an area's population make-up, its social problems, safety and reputation may also shape Finnish-origin residents' moves.
Peer-reviewed study covering Finland's 20 largest cities with register data from 2000–2018: the income-based segregation index rose from 0.32 to 0.39 even though income inequality (Gini) barely changed, and socioeconomic segregation increased in all 20 cities and at every scale of analysis. Ethnic segregation developed differently: it rose most in Helsinki, but the 20-city average slightly fell (0.29 to 0.28) and fell in 9 cities out of 20. The share of foreign-language speakers nevertheless rose steeply: Helsinki 5% to 14%, Espoo 4% to 16%, Vantaa 4% to 17%. The authors reconcile this themselves: a dissimilarity index can fall while the foreign-language share grows sharply, and foreign-language speakers remain overrepresented in the most socioeconomically disadvantaged areas: in the mid-rise suburbs built between the 1960s and 1990s their share is about twice the city average.
At the end of 2025 the foreign-background share was the highest of all mainland municipalities in Vantaa, at 30.5%, and Espoo, at 26.0%. In Helsinki it was 21.6%, or 150,074 people. Outside the capital region the highest share was in Närpes, at 23.8%. Nationally there were 660,800 people of foreign background, 11.7% of the population, and almost half of them lived in the capital region. The Helsinki figure is from Statistics Finland table 11rv.
The number of crowded households has grown especially among foreign-language speakers, and their number doubled over ten years. Nationally there were 227,000 crowded households holding 937,000 people, and about 56,000 households in the Helsinki region, 10.5 per cent of its residents. Statistics Finland counts a household as crowded when it has more than one person per room, the kitchen not counted as a room.
An Yle report marking Varissuo's 40th anniversary in Turku. The suburb has about 9,000 residents, 12,000 at its peak, and roughly 40% of them now speak a first language other than Finnish or Swedish. More than 40 nationalities live there and nearly 60 languages are spoken. The Varissuo school has under 200 pupils with 19 different mother tongues and 20 nationalities. Varissuo is Turku's second-largest suburb after Runosmäki.
There are four municipalities in Finland where Finnish is not even the second most spoken language. In Swedish-speaking Korsnäs (about 2,000 residents) the second-largest language group is Bosnian. Finland's foreign-language population grew by more than 25,000 in the previous year, the largest increase in 40 years.
An Yle report from Hervanta in Tampere: 48% of preschoolers at the Etelä-Hervanta school speak a language other than Finnish or Swedish, and 52% across all Hervanta preschools, against 9% for Tampere preschools as a whole. For comparison, the figure is 27% in Helsinki's municipal preschools and 20% in Turku. Besides Finnish and Swedish, Hervanta's preschoolers have 25 other mother tongues, the most common being Somali, Arabic, Dari, Albanian and Russian. The district's foreign-language population doubled from about 3,300 (2010) to 6,800 (2022), and roughly one in three Hervanta residents now speaks something other than Finnish or Swedish as a first language.
Lapland had nearly 7,000 foreign nationals in 2023, or 3.9% of its population, against 7.3% nationally. The number has doubled in a little over a decade, but growth is slower than in the rest of the country: around 2,000 people were added between 2022 and 2024. The Rovaniemi area has roughly 3,000 foreign nationals. These figures count foreign citizens, not people of foreign background, which is a considerably wider group.
HS on a report by Hypo bank and the regional research company MDI: foreign-language residents who have moved to Finland live in rented housing and on the outskirts of cities more often than the native population. Over 80% of those renting hope to move into owner-occupied housing, but doubt it will happen because of their employment situation and the uncertainty of residence permits. Hypo's managing director Antti Tolonen says immigration means cities need more large, family-sized flats. The report is published by a bank and a research company, which is worth keeping in mind when reading its housing-policy conclusions.
Yle took three Vantaa city councillors to Hakunila and asked them how to stop the city's areas drifting apart. Naima el Issaoui (SDP) would support the schools and pupils that need support, build owner-occupied and rental housing in the same areas and develop the suburbs. Otso Kivimäki (National Coalition) stresses residents' pride in their own area and would zone areas of detached houses that would draw company executives. In his view firms and jobs would follow them. He would build as little subsidised rental housing as possible. Loviisa Kaartokallio (Christian Democrats) would invest in education and children's hobbies and wants part-ownership homes and townhouse-style housing. All three would demolish Hakunila's shopping centre. In 2023 people moving to Vantaa paid 2.6 million euros less in tax than those moving away. The piece followed cross-country skier Vilma Nissinen calling Hakunila and the whole of Vantaa "Finland's Mogadishu".
An Iltalehti report from a daycare centre in an area where more than half of residents are of foreign background. The centre has only three Finnish-speaking children left. Some Finnish parents avoid daycare centres like it, though the matter is rarely discussed in public debate.
A Kosovo-background community has formed in Suvela, Espoo. Families fleeing the Yugoslav wars settled near their compatriots from the 1990s on. About 1,500 Albanian speakers live in the Suvela, Espoo Centre and Tuomarila areas, out of some 4,000 in Espoo as a whole. Finland has 19,695 Albanian speakers in total, 11,718 of them in the Helsinki metropolitan area.
The mall was Finland's largest when it opened in 1965. Today it is known as the country's most multicultural marketplace, with shops selling ethnic foods and spices, a small mosque, and community events such as Somalia's national day and the Puhos Loves People festival. About 20% of Helsinki residents speak a first language other than Finnish, Swedish or Sámi. Itäkeskus and several of the residential areas around it have a relatively high foreign-background share. The downsides mentioned are the drug trade and a sense of insecurity.
Vantaa is the only one of Finland's six largest cities where the number of residents whose mother tongue is Finnish, Swedish or Sami, the domestic languages, has fallen every year in the 2020s. According to Statistics Finland's population statistics there were 186,499 of them at the end of 2019 and 177,273 at the end of 2025. Foreign-language speakers numbered 75,683 at the end of 2025, or 29.9% of residents, against 11,884 at the end of 2005. Their number has therefore grown 6.4-fold in 20 years. According to the migration statistics in the Helsinki region's Aluesarjat database, 10,104 more domestic-language speakers moved from Vantaa to elsewhere in Finland in 2020–2025 than moved from elsewhere in Finland to Vantaa. According to Minna Mänty, a researcher at the City of Vantaa, preliminary data show that the number of domestic-language speakers fell by about 500 in January–July 2026 and the number of foreign-language speakers rose by about 1,100. City manager Pekka Timonen says about 40% of the foreign-language speakers moving to Vantaa come from elsewhere in Finland. The same migration statistics put the net migration of foreign-language speakers to Vantaa in 2025 at 2,983, of which 1,214, or 41%, came from elsewhere in Finland and 1,769 from abroad. According to Timonen, over 35% of the children in Vantaa's schools are of foreign background. According to the Aluesarjat database, 36% of Vantaa residents aged 7–15 were foreign-language speakers at the end of 2025. In the projection published in 2026 by the statistics units of Helsinki, Espoo and Vantaa and the Helsinki-Uusimaa Regional Council (Uudenmaan maakunnan vieraskielisen väestön ennuste 2025–2045), the foreign-language share of Vantaa's population rises from 29% at the end of 2024 to 39% in 2034. When the projection's number of foreign-language speakers in 2040 is related to Vantaa's own population projection, as the report does for 2034, the share in 2040 is about 43%. Juho Keskinen, chief economist of the mortgage lender Hypo, estimates that the share will be close to 50% in 2040 if the current trend continues. That figure is his own estimate, not a result of the projection. Keskinen says housing sales in Vantaa are still 40% below their pre-COVID level, prices have fallen 27% from the peak, and rents have fallen more than in the rest of the capital region, Tampere or Turku.
Denmark
Each year on 1 December, Denmark's housing minister publishes a list of parallel societies (parallelsamfund). They are social housing areas with at least 1,000 residents, more than half of whom are immigrants from non-Western countries or their descendants, that meet at least two of four criteria on work, crime, education and income. The list of 1 December 2025 had five areas, with 13,489 residents. In 2018, when the criteria took their current form, there were 29. In an area that has met the criteria for the past five years, the share of social family housing must be brought down to at most 40% by the start of 2030.
Areas on the parallel-society list · Denmark 2018–2025
The list is drawn up each year on 1 December. In 2018–2020 it was called the ghetto list, but the criteria were the same as for today's parallel-society list.
areas on the list
Details
The lists of 2010–2017 used different criteria and are not in the chart. According to the 2018 list, the previous list had 22 areas, and the increase came from the updated criteria.
Areas joined and left the list each year as follows: in 2018 eight joined and one left, in 2019 two joined and three left, in 2020 none joined and 13 left, in 2021 one joined and four left, in 2022 one joined and three left, in 2023 three joined and one left, in 2024 none joined and four left, and in 2025 none joined and three left.
The crime criterion is relative to the national average and the income criterion to the average of the same region, so the thresholds change every year. On the 2025 list the threshold for convicted residents was 2.17% of residents.
An area can also leave the list because of its population. Mjølnerparken left in 2023 because its population fell below 1,000.
The figures are calculated from the research data of Statistics Denmark (Danmarks Statistik).
The list of parallel societies, 1 December 2025202513 findings
Danish Ministry of Social Affairs and Housing (Social- og Boligministeriet), 1 December 2025. The Social and Housing Agency (Social- og Boligstyrelsen) calculated the figures from Statistics Denmark's research data. Resident numbers are as of 1 January 2025.
Under section 61 a of the Social Housing Act (almenboligloven), a parallel society is a social housing area with at least 1,000 residents in which more than 50% of residents are immigrants from non-Western countries or their descendants. The area must also meet at least two of four criteria.
The first criterion is met when more than 40% of residents aged 18–64 are outside work and education, averaged over the past two years. The second is met when the share of residents convicted of offences under the Criminal Code, the Weapons Act or the Euphoriant Substances Act is at least three times the national average, averaged over the past two years.
The third criterion is met when more than 60% of residents aged 30–59 have only basic education. The fourth is met when the average gross income of taxpayers aged 15–64 in the area, students excluded, is below 55% of the average for the same group in the area's region.
The list of 1 December 2025 had five areas, against eight a year earlier. No new areas joined. The five areas had 13,489 residents in total on 1 January 2025.
Of the residents of the five areas, 74.3% were immigrants from non-Western countries or their descendants. Of those aged 18–64, 37.7% were outside work and education in 2023–2024. Convicted residents made up 2.32% of residents, against a threshold of 2.17%, which is three times the national average. Of those aged 30–59, 70.3% had only basic education, and average income was 54.9% of the regional average in 2024.
Tåstrupgård (Høje-Taastrup) had 1,374 residents. The non-Western share was 67.9%, the share outside work and education 25.8%, the share convicted 2.18% and the share with only basic education 77.2%. Average income was 53.0% of the regional average.
Sundparken (Horsens) had 1,373 residents. The non-Western share was 66.5%, the share outside work and education 40.9%, the share convicted 1.31% and the share with only basic education 74.7%. Average income was 58.5% of the regional average.
Bispehaven (Aarhus) had 1,466 residents. The non-Western share was 76.2%, the share outside work and education 40.1%, the share convicted 3.20% and the share with only basic education 65.4%. Average income was 55.7% of the regional average.
Gellerupparken/Toveshøj (Aarhus) had 4,380 residents. The non-Western share was 73.1%, the share outside work and education 36.6%, the share convicted 2.39% and the share with only basic education 72.1%. Average income was 53.2% of the regional average.
Vollsmose (Odense) had 4,896 residents. The non-Western share was 78.7%, the share outside work and education 40.5%, the share convicted 2.31% and the share with only basic education 67.1%. Average income was 55.8% of the regional average.
All five areas met the criteria on the non-Western share and on basic education. Four met the criterion on convictions, three the criterion on being outside work and education, and two the income criterion.
Askerød (Greve), Stengårdsvej (Esbjerg) and Skovvejen/Skovparken (Kolding) left the list. According to the ministry, the reason for all three was a fall in the share of convicted residents. Their shares of convicted residents were 1.84%, 1.85% and 2.14%.
The shares outside work and education and convicted are averages for 2023–2024. The non-Western share and education are as of 1 January 2025, and income is for 2024. The figures include the residents of all dwellings in the area except non-social dwellings built before 2010.
The list of transformation areas, 1 December 202520254 findings
Danish Ministry of Social Affairs and Housing (Social- og Boligministeriet), 1 December 2025.
A transformation area (omdannelsesområde) is a housing area that has met the criteria for a parallel society for the past five years. The list replaced the list of hard ghetto areas, which was first published in 2018.
The list of 1 December 2025 had five areas, against seven a year earlier. They are the same five areas as on the list of parallel societies.
In a transformation area, the housing organisation and the municipality must carry out a development plan and reduce the share of social family housing in the area's housing (section 168 a of the Social Housing Act).
Stengårdsvej (Esbjerg) and Skovvejen/Skovparken (Kolding) left the list because they no longer met the criterion on convictions. According to the ministry, they are still bound to carry out the development plan and reduce the share of family housing, and the plan drawn up by the housing organisation and the municipality remains in force.
Rules for vulnerable housing areas and transformation areas20248 findings
Danish Ministry of Social Affairs, Housing and Senior Citizens (Social-, Bolig- og Ældreministeriet), Redegørelse om parallelsamfund 2024, May 2024. The report is the ministry's annual review of the measures against parallel societies.
By the ministry's definition, a vulnerable housing area (udsat boligområde) is a social housing area with at least 1,000 residents that meets at least two of the same four criteria as a parallel society. In a parallel society more than 50% of residents are also immigrants from non-Western countries or their descendants, so every parallel society is also a vulnerable housing area.
Under a law passed in 2018 (1322/2018), housing organisations in vulnerable housing areas must give priority on the waiting list to applicants who are studying or working. The municipality can turn down an applicant who receives transfer payments or who has a criminal record.
The municipality may not allocate a home in a vulnerable housing area on social grounds to an applicant who meets conditions on crime, termination of a tenancy, citizenship or receipt of specific transfer payments, unless a home can be allocated elsewhere (section 59(6) and (7) of the Social Housing Act).
Flexible letting, in which vacant family homes are let on criteria such as work or education, is mandatory in vulnerable housing areas (section 60(4) of the Social Housing Act).
Municipalities must ensure that no day-care centre admits more than 30% of children from vulnerable housing areas in a year (section 26 a of the Day Care Act).
Since 1 January 2019, one-year-olds living in vulnerable housing areas must be enrolled in a compulsory learning programme for 25 hours a week if they are not already in day care and their parents do not provide equivalent activity at home (section 44 a of the Day Care Act).
The goal of a transformation area's development plan is to bring the share of social family housing down to at most 40% of all homes in the area before 1 January 2030 (section 168 a of the Social Housing Act).
Seventeen areas had an approved development plan. Social family housing made up 94.4% of their homes in 2018 and about 81% at the end of 2023, and under the plans it will be 41.5% in 2030.
Child welfare placementsSafetySocial cohesion
Key figures
According to a register study of 1991–2015, 9.6–10.4% of the Finland-born second generation of foreign background had been placed outside the home at least once, against 3.6% of the majority population.
A child is placed outside the home when the support given at home is not enough. The reason may be the child's own symptoms or the conditions at home.
According to a register study covering 1991–2015, children of foreign background are clearly overrepresented among those placed. In the Finland-born second generation, 9.6–10.4% of children and young people had been placed outside the home at least once, against 3.6% in the majority population. Among children of refugee background the share is somewhat higher than among others of foreign background. The difference also shows in the kind of placement. Foreign-background placements more often begin as emergency placements, and the first placement is less often a foster family and more often an institution such as a children's home.
Placed outside the home at least once in 1991–2015, by origin · Finland
% of the group's children and young people
Details
The data cover 40,972 people of foreign background and a random sample of 35,772 from the majority population, matched by age to those of refugee background. The chart shows the share of each group with at least one out-of-home placement in 1991–2015.
The first generation was born abroad in 1976–1999 and moved to Finland before the age of 17. The second generation was born in Finland in 1986–1999, and both parents, or the only known parent, were born abroad. For the first generation a refugee background means that the person was born in a country classed as a refugee country. For the second generation it means that the parents were born in such a country.
The differences were highly statistically significant.
THL's annual statistics do not break placements down by background, so monitoring the phenomenon depends on individual studies.
Janus – sosiaalipolitiikan ja sosiaalityön tutkimuksen aikakauslehti2023
Summary
3.6% of the majority population had at least one placement, against 6.0–7.5% of the first generation and 9.6–10.4% of the Finland-born second generation. The register study links THL's child welfare register with personal data from the Population Register Centre. It covers 40,972 people of foreign background, born abroad in 1976–1999 or in Finland in 1986–1999, and 35,772 majority-population controls. About a third of foreign-background children's first placements were emergency placements (20% for the majority), and nearly one in four emergency-placed foreign-background children was emergency-placed twice. Family placements accounted for 5.8–9.4% of foreign-background placements and about 20% for the majority, so children's home placements dominated. Of placed second-generation children, 31.1–36.7% were under school age (14.7% in the majority population). The authors set out the literature's two most common explanations side by side: the group's above-average welfare risks and structural features of the service system. In their view the frequency of emergency placements may be explained by the basic and non-institutional services the families needed not having been available, not having been offered to them or not having been appropriate. They also consider it possible that the families' need for support was not recognised in time or that the parents refused support services. The prevalence of institutional placements may in their view reflect a shortage of suitable foster families and the fact that the foreign-born were more often placed at ages 13–17. The register data describes service use and official responses, not the need for services or their accessibility.
Partner choice and mixed-background couplesSocial cohesion
Key figures
A shrinking share of foreign-background people's couples include a Finnish-background partner: down from 82% (1992) to 44% (2025).
In 2022, couples in which both partners are of foreign background outnumbered couples with one Finnish-background partner for the first time.
Partner choice varies sharply by background country: 89.9% of Thai-background couples include a Finnish-background partner, against 8.7% for Somali and 8.4% for Syrian background (2025).
Statistics Finland records couples by both partners' origin and background country. The figures show how often a person of foreign background has a Finnish-background partner.
In couples of Somali, Syrian and Afghan background, both partners have the same background country in 72–78% of cases, and only 8–10% include a Finnish-background partner (2025).
In some groups relationships with the native population are also strongly gendered. Men of Iraqi, Afghan and Turkish background have a Finnish-background partner many times more often than women of the same background. Among people of Thai, Filipino and Chinese background the direction is reversed. When nine Muslim-majority background countries (Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Turkey, Morocco, Pakistan, Somalia, Iran and Bangladesh) are taken together, women with a background in the chart's other countries are almost nine times as likely as women with a background in these countries to have a Finnish-background partner (2025). Among men the gap is small.
Share of couples with a Finnish-background partner, by background country · Finland (2025)
The share paired with a Finnish-background partner varies enormously by background country: a clear majority of couples with a Thai, Swedish or other Western background include a Finnish-background partner, whereas among refugee-origin groups (Syria, Somalia, Afghanistan, Iraq) the share stays below a quarter.
All family types are included (married, registered and cohabiting couples). For each background country: the share of couples with at least one partner of that background whose other partner is of Finnish background.
Calculation: (X–Finnish-background couples) / (all couples with at least one X-background partner).
People of Russian / former-Soviet background are split across several classes. The largest, “former Soviet Union”, is shown here.
Finnish-background partner: women on the left, men on the right · by background country · Finland (2025)
The chart has one row for each background country. The left bar shows how many per thousand women aged 20–64 of that background are in a couple with a Finnish-background man. The right bar shows the same figure for the group's men. Both are divided by the group's own female and male population, because a raw count of couples would also reflect the sex ratio: protection-based migration is male-heavy. In the rows at the top of the list the right bar is the longer one, and in the rows at the bottom the left bar is.
couples per 1,000 adults aged 20–64 of that sex
women with a Finnish-background partnermen with a Finnish-background partner
Iraq
1596
Afghanistan
1046
Turkey
54198
Somalia
1023
Nepal
1630
Former Yugoslavia
5495
India
3252
Iran
5486
Bangladesh
1218
Estonia
18295
Former Soviet Union
21879
Vietnam
16958
Ukraine
6622
Russia
18752
China
21342
Philippines
19932
Thailand
644102
Show the smaller groups (20)
Syria
1140
Morocco
84297
Pakistan
1241
Nigeria
45123
Democratic Republic of the Congo
2154
Germany
446646
Sri Lanka
1822
Spain
344432
United States
517618
Ethiopia
6165
Sweden
601633
Romania
126112
Kenya
178139
Hungary
282215
Brazil
467355
Bulgaria
157113
Unknown
263189
Myanmar
5536
Poland
332159
Latvia
17168
The chart's Muslim-majority background countries are Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Turkey, Morocco, Pakistan, Somalia, Iran and Bangladesh. Taken together they give 24 per thousand for women and 83 for men. The chart's 28 other rows taken together, the unknown background country included, give 211 for women and 112 for men. On the women's side the gap is almost ninefold. On the men's side it is small, and the figure for men with a Muslim-majority background is the lower one.
The left-hand figures are positive rates, not negative quantities. The side distinguishes the sexes, not the sign.
Families on 31 December, not marriages contracted. The table's dimensions are man or older partner and woman or younger partner, so same-sex couples are included as a small minority.
Countries are included when they have at least 1,000 adults aged 20–64 of each sex in Finland and at least 100 mixed couples. The threshold is the same for every country, so none was picked for its result.
The list first shows the groups with at least 10,000 people aged 20–64 (in 2025 the smallest of these is Nepal, 10,159). The smaller groups open below the list, in the same order and on the same scale.
The denominator is the group's whole population aged 20–64, not those in a relationship, because the number in a relationship by background country and sex is not published. The figure is a rate, not a share of couples.
Without that adjustment the figures mislead. Of the mixed couples with a Muslim-majority background, 4,811 have a foreign-background man and 954 a foreign-background woman. The same group, however, has about 58,000 men and 39,000 women aged 20–64 here, so part of the difference is headcount.
Background country is not religion. Statistics Finland publishes membership of religious communities only by age and sex (vaerak/11rx), not by background country, so the chart does not rest on religion. Background country is a rough proxy for the majority religion. The roughness shows in the chart too. Among people of Iranian and Bangladeshi background the men's figure is less than twice the women's (Iran 86.1 and 54.3, Bangladesh 17.7 and 12.2). Among people of Iraqi background it is more than six times the women's (95.5 and 15.2).
Couples by partners' origin · Finland 1992–2025
A shrinking share of foreign-background people's couples are with a Finnish-background partner: down from 82% in 1992 to 44% in 2025. Couples in which both partners have a foreign background can also come from different countries. In 2022 the number of couples where both partners have a foreign background overtook mixed couples.
Of the marriages formed in 2024 by women permanently resident in Finland, 6.4% were between a Finnish-background woman and a foreign-background man. Marriages between Finnish-background men resident in Finland and foreign-background women made up 6.6% of all marriages formed. For women the share stood at 4–5% in 1990–2010. The men's share has grown slowly since the 1990s, with larger swings from year to year than the women's. The most common background countries of women's foreign-background spouses were the former Soviet Union, Iraq and the United Kingdom, and of men's the former Soviet Union, Estonia and Thailand. Of marriages formed by resident women 7.8%, and of those formed by resident men 11.5%, were between two foreign-background spouses.
Integration policy: costs and effectivenessEconomySocial cohesion
Key figures
Under 35% of those completing integration training in 2013–2016 reached the target language level B1.
Of those finishing integration training in 2016, more than four in five stayed below B1.1, the level vocational training requires, and nearly 60% stayed below A2.2.
In 2024 a municipality received a calculated compensation from the state for every refugee it took in: €6,845 a year for a child under school age and €2,300 a year for anyone older.
Finland spends hundreds of millions of euros a year on immigrant integration, mostly as state compensation to municipalities and wellbeing services counties and as integration training. The key question is how much of that spending helps.
Integration outcomes, employment and language skills, remain weak in international comparison. According to the National Audit Office, only about a third of those who completed integration training in 2013–2016 reached the B1 target level.
There are two credible causal studies of how effective integration is. In the randomised Koto-SIB trial, the earnings of unemployed immigrants drawn into an outcome-paid employment service were 18 per cent higher than the control group's over three years. The 1999 integration-plan reform raised the ten-year earnings of participants who arrived in the 1990s by 47 per cent, although it did not raise their employment. Of those whose treatment the reform changed, more than half were born in the former Soviet Union and only 13 per cent were refugees. Against an annual spend in the hundreds of millions, that is little evidence.
Employment is low among people of foreign background and particularly among those from refugee-producing countries, and their share of welfare use is high, as the site's charts of employment rate by background country and sex and subsidy dependency by origin show. Women who moved from Muslim-majority countries such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan and Turkey have markedly lower employment rates than men.
Compensation paid to municipalities and wellbeing services counties is the largest single item of integration spending, and the sum rose by well over a hundred million in a year.
279Compensation for promoting integration, 2023, EUR m
384The same in 2024, EUR m
6 845Per-child compensation to the municipality, under school age, EUR/yr (2024)
Details
The figures are budget compensation items, not the total cost of integration: training, interpretation and social security sit under other headings.
Integration spending: cost and effectiveness20247 findings
Compiled from the state budget (budjetti.vm.fi), the Centre of Expertise in Immigrant Integration / Ministry of Employment (TEM), VATT and the OECD (Settling In 2023, Economic Survey Finland 2025)
Public funding for integration consists mainly of state compensations paid to municipalities and wellbeing services counties, plus integration training and integration plans. State-budget compensations for promoting integration were about €279 million (2023) and about €384 million (2024). Compensation specifically for the reception and integration of people receiving international protection came to about €137 million paid to municipalities in 2020.
The calculated per-person compensation to a municipality was €6,845/year for a child under school age (0–6) and €2,300/year for a person aged 7 or over (2024 level), paid for 3 years, or 4 years for quota refugees.
Effectiveness: according to VATT, receiving an individual integration plan raised an immigrant's cumulative gross income by more than €20,000 over ten years and cut the transfers they received by roughly €8,000. Cumulative earnings rose 47% and benefits received fell 13% without raising total costs (Sarvimäki & Hämäläinen 2016, VATT). The figure is a local average treatment effect for the unemployed immigrants whose treatment the reform actually changed, not an average across all immigrants.
One low-cost measure may therefore work, but the study contains no cost-benefit calculation and the reform did not move employment, only earnings and benefit use. Integration outcomes (employment and language skills) remain weak in international comparison: on OECD measures the employment gap between the native- and foreign-background population is among the widest in the Nordics and the whole OECD, and fewer than half of immigrants are proficient in a domestic language (EU average 62%) (OECD Settling In 2023, Economic Survey Finland 2025).
What the design does and does not carry. The threshold could not be manipulated: it was published only a year later, and there is no jump in the number of arrivals at that point. Those arriving on either side of it came from almost the same countries. Of ten regions of birth only the share from the former Yugoslavia jumps significantly at the threshold, by 2 percentage points, and six of 44 background characteristics in all. In the authors' calculation the differences predict €8,500 lower ten-year earnings for those arriving after the threshold, so they would shrink the estimate rather than inflate it, and the result holds when the background is held constant. The data are a 90 % register sample of those who arrived aged 16–60 and were unemployed or on social assistance during their first three years. The compliers, those whose treatment the rule changed, are about a third of immigrants. Of them 56 per cent were born in Russia or the former Soviet Union, 20 per cent in Asia and 10 per cent in Africa, and 24 per cent were Ingrian Finns and 13 per cent refugees.
The reform did not increase the number of training days. It changed what they contained, shifting them towards language training. It is the same money spent differently.
Set against the international literature the figure sits at the top of the range rather than at its middle. A European meta-analysis (93 estimates from 33 studies) found that only private-sector wage subsidies improved immigrants' labour market outcomes. Training and job-search assistance did not, on average (Butschek & Walter 2014). Sweden's equivalent 2010 reform (an individual plan and a coach) had a positive but small effect. There was no difference in the first year, but employment was 1.8 percentage points higher in the second year and 2.7 in the third, and the annual earnings of those in work were about 20–22 % higher (Andersson Joona, Wennemo Lanninger & Sundström 2017). In France language training raised labour force participation by 15–27 percentage points but not the probability of employment (Lochmann et al. 2019). Of the six forms of support in Denmark's own integration programme, only wage subsidies significantly shortened the time from benefits to work (Clausen et al. 2009). Lock-in is a standard finding in this literature too: taking part in training lowers employment while the course runs, and the return appears only years later. A recent survey puts the range of estimates from zero to 54 %, and notes that displacement (whether the jobs simply move from one group to another) is essentially unmeasured (Kiviholma 2026). Denmark's 1999 language-training reform, by contrast, produced permanent earnings gains and similar effects on the children (Foged et al. 2024).
Intergenerational spillovers of integration policy20246 findings
Pesola & Sarvimäki, Review of Economics and Statistics 2024 (IZA DP 15310). Same 1999 reform discontinuity, register data
The families on either side of the cut-off differed in background. Those the reform covered included 20 percentage points more people born in the former Soviet Union and 14 more Ingrian Finns, but 16 fewer born in Asia and 11 fewer refugees. The authors consider the differences likely to be chance, because the cut-off date was published only a year later. Holding the background constant leaves the earnings effect unchanged (€7,373 unadjusted and €7,408 adjusted), but the effect on school grades falls by a third and is no longer statistically significant.
The 1999 integration-plan reform increased adult immigrants' language training and improved their labour-market position, and the benefit reached their children too.
The group the reform reached arrived in the late 1990s: about half were born in the former Soviet Union, a quarter are Ingrian Finns and just under a fifth refugees. The result therefore does not speak directly to what follows from integrating those who arrived after 2015.
A parent's participation raised the children's school grades by 0.48 standard deviations and lengthened their education by 1.4 years, or 0.33 and 1.1 with the background held constant. The adjusted estimates are not statistically significant at the 5% level, nor is the unadjusted estimate for years of education.
Two decades after arrival, children of the immigrants covered by the policy earned 42% more than children whose parents narrowly missed it.
The estimate is imprecise. The effect is €7,373 in annual earnings at age 31 against an expected €17,390 for the comparison group, with a standard error of €3,773: the 95% confidence interval runs from close to zero to roughly double. Across bandwidths and estimators the effect ranges between €2,567 and €9,006, the sample is about 1,300 children, and the tests of the mechanisms (the parents' colleagues, the children's schoolmates) are statistically underpowered.
The Koto-SIB trial: effects of an outcome-paid employment service20243 findings
Karinen, Koivula, Koivula, Oosi, Pesola, Sarvimäki & Virkola (2024), Koto-SIB -kokeilun vaikutukset ja käytännön toteutus, Publications of the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment 2024:33 (English edition 2024:34). Randomised design, 3,662 unemployed jobseekers with an immigrant background (randomised 2017–2019), Statistics Finland register data
The trial tested an outcome-paid service model, not ordinary integration training. The usual Employment Office services were replaced by a fast-track employment service in which participants were offered a job after a short spell of language training. The services were organised by a fund managed by Epiqus Oy, and a significant part of its fee depended on the measured added value, that is unemployment benefits saved and extra taxes collected.
In 2017–2019 the 3,662 unemployed applicants who met the trial's criteria were randomised into a treatment group and a control group. The control group received the usual Employment Office services. Over the three years after randomisation the treatment group's earnings were on average €4,500, or 18 per cent, higher than the control group's. The treatment group paid €1,330 more in taxes and received €1,340 less in transfers, so the public sector saved €2,670 for every person drawn into the treatment group.
68 per cent of those drawn into the treatment group took part in the service, so the figures are averages over the whole drawn group. A share 5 percentage points smaller of the treatment group than of the control group was in education leading to a qualification, and the authors therefore consider the long-term effect still uncertain. They describe the cost-benefit calculation as only indicative. The report is a study commissioned by the ministry, not peer-reviewed research.
Of those who completed integration training in 2013–2016, just under 35% reached language level B1. Roughly two in three fell short of the target.
The audit's core finding: the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment did not have enough information on how integration training affects immigrants' language skills or employment.
The only effectiveness metric the ministry tracked, jobseeker status three months after training, was judged inadequate: the unemployment rate alone says nothing about the training's effectiveness.
Working Together: the labour-market integration of immigrants in Finland (OECD)20183 findings
OECD (2018), Working Together: Skills and Labour Market Integration of Immigrants and their Children in Finland, OECD Publishing
The integration-training language courses delivered weak results: in 2016 more than four in five participants failed to reach B1.1 (the level needed for vocational training) and close to 60% failed to reach even A2.2. According to OECD cross-country survey data, 28% of language course participants had skills at beginner level or below.
In 2015, close to two in five integration-training participants fell into unemployment or left the labour force at the end of their training.
Foreign-born women's employment rate trailed comparable native-born women by 51.5 percentage points in year one (28.8 pp for men) and still by 40 pp five years after arrival. The gap narrowed to about 20 pp only after 15 years.
NEET youth (15–29) by country of birth · Finland 2004–2025
EU-harmonised integration-outcome indicators show the same picture across several domains: the foreign-born trail the native population in education, housing and material well-being. Self-reported health is the exception, and even that is largely explained by their younger age structure. "EU-harmonised" means every member state collects the figures using the same definitions and the same surveys (Eurostat's income and living conditions survey EU-SILC and the Labour Force Survey), so that countries can be compared with each other. Overcrowding and severe material deprivation, for instance, are defined identically across the EU rather than nationally.
Immigration is often defended through labour supply and public-finance benefits. Labour migration can be economically positive, but register data and fiscal models show that the positive effects are not seen among immigrant groups of every migration reason or background country. Humanitarian and family migration in particular show up in the data as higher benefit use and less tax paid. On the other hand, residents on work grounds pay clearly more in taxes than they receive in transfers, and the whole foreign-background population paid slightly more in taxes than it received in transfers in 2023. The use of public services is not included in these comparisons.
Sections in this group and their figures
Employment by background countryIn 2024 the employment rate of the foreign-born of foreign background was 56.0 percent, against 74.5 percent for the Finnish background together with the Finland-born of foreign background. For the African background it was 49.9 percent.
Employment by grounds for arrivalThose who arrive on a work permit are over 80% employed in their first year. Among people granted international protection the rate starts near 10% and is about 60% after ten years (register data 2011–2021).
Income levelIn 2024 the median income of working-age people was €33,615 for those of Finnish background and €24,060 for those of foreign background. The gap is 28%, exactly what it was in 1995.
Welfare useForeign-language speakers are about 11% of the population but 29.4% of basic social assistance recipients (2024). In 2017 the share was about 19%.
Remittances abroadRemittances paid from Finland grew from about USD 16 million (1990) to USD 1.77 billion (2025), more than a hundredfold.
Cost estimatesThis site's own calculation: the non-Western background population, 523,000 people in 2025, falls an estimated €3.8…5.0 billion a year short in public finances of an equally large Finnish-background population of the same age. At average cost, with collective spending and revenue shared out as well, the figure is €2.2…3.7 billion. The protection background alone falls €1.2…1.3 billion short.
Key figures
What decides net transfers is the reason for migrating: the gap between work-based and protection-based migration was about €19,500 per person a year (register data 2023).
In Suomen Perusta's calculation, direct taxes paid minus income transfers received came to −€7,900 a year for people born in Somalia, +€3,400 for people born in Finland and +€5,100 for people born in Germany (aged 20–62, 2011 data).
In Suomen Perusta's calculation the lifetime effect on public finances of a person who moved from Somalia, compared with a Finland-born person, was −€951,000 without children and −€1,343,000 with them, undiscounted. The spread is wide, ±€801,000 (2019).
Labour shortage is the usual justification for work-based immigration, but the domestic labour reserve is large. In June 2026 Finland had 297,000 unemployed. A further 357,000 or so people were studying at universities and polytechnics, on their way into the labour market.
The question is why labour is recruited from abroad while one in ten of the labour force is out of work. The counterargument is mismatch: open jobs, the skills of the unemployed and where people live do not always meet.
On the statistics, though, recruiting labour from abroad does not settle the matter by itself: what decides it is selection. In this section's own figures, taxes paid exceed the transfers received most clearly for work-based arrivals, about €8,100 per adult a year, and also for residents on EU grounds, about €3,800. Compared with Finnish-background people of the same age and sex, only work-based arrivals come out ahead of their comparison group, and the gap between the best and the weakest ground for entry is roughly €19,500 a year. These are a single-year (2023) cross-section, not net effects computed over a lifetime: the lifetime estimates on the background-country pages are a different quantity.
The figures by grounds describe a person, not a family: a work-permit holder's spouse and children are counted under family.
This section treats fiscal effects at a general level. Closer figures on what the integration system and the reception system cost are in this knowledge base, each in its own section.
Net income transfers of the foreign-background population by reason for immigration (2023)
Each bar is the group's difference from Finnish-background residents with a similar age and sex distribution. When the bar points right, the group's taxes minus transfers come out better than the comparison group's, and when it points left they come out worse. The figure is an average per person per year.
Average € per year, aged 20+
Work
+971 €
Born in Finland
−728 €
EU residence right
−3,593 €
Study
−3,623 €
Citizenship
−4,040 €
Permanent residence permit
−5,874 €
Other / unknown
−6,852 €
Family
−9,989 €
Protection (humanitarian)
−18,537 €
Compared with Finnish-background residents of a similar age and sex distribution. Positive = the group pays more than its comparison group, negative = less. The figure is not the group’s own level but the gap to that comparison group. Work-based migration is the only group that clears its comparator.
The bar is the difference to Finnish-background residents of a similar age and sex distribution, not the group’s own level. The quantity measured is taxes and tax-like payments paid minus pensions and social benefits received, for people aged 20 and over. Except for those born in Finland, the groups' own levels are higher than the bars: about +8,100 euros a year for work-based arrivals (VATT figure 18).
The work-based plus (+971 euros) is close to zero, and work-based migration typically brings family reunification with it, which is recorded in its own clearly negative group (−9,989 euros). Protection-based migration comes to −18,537 euros.
This is a single-year (2023) cross-section, not a net effect computed over a lifetime.
Items are missing from both sides. On the revenue side the report lists property tax, indirect taxes and employer social contributions, and it states separately that it does not account for the use of public services. It covers 44.3 billion in payments and 49.7 billion in receipts, against general government revenue of 145 billion and spending of 153 billion.
Without standardisation the result runs the other way. In 2023 the average net transfers of the Finnish-background population were negative and those of the foreign-background population slightly positive, about 100 million euros in the black, because three quarters of all transfers received are pensions. That is exactly why the comparison is made against people of the same age.
People granted citizenship or a permanent permit originally arrived on some temporary permit. The report itself notes that the permit basis at the time of observation therefore does not say what the consequences of the different grounds for arrival are.
The same comparison on the whole ledger, by residence basis (2023)
The chart above counts direct taxes and transfers only. This one adds to the same comparison what VATT says it left out: indirect taxes, employer contributions, property tax and the production taxes the shared revenue credits by disposable income, at the group's own measured income. The figure is still the difference to a same-age Finnish-background resident per adult. The cost calculator's split by residence basis adds the same groups up to a total for the whole population. The calculation is still a work in progress, and its figures may change.
Average € per year per adult, difference to same-age residents
Work
+160 €
Born in Finland
−1,216 €
Citizenship
−6,571 €
EU residence right
−6,951 €
Study
−8,936 €
Permanent residence permit
−10,062 €
Other / unknown
−11,098 €
Family
−17,726 €
Protection (humanitarian)
−25,376 €
Positive = the group brings public finances more than a same-age Finnish-background resident, negative = less.
Show the figures
Group
Average € per year per adult, difference to same-age residents
At the same age the use of public services and excise are taken to be the same, so they cancel in the comparison and the difference runs entirely through income. If a group uses services more than people of the same age, the difference is larger than shown.
The added items are computed from the factor income and transfers VATT measured: VAT at 9 to 11 per cent of disposable income by the Household budget survey 2022, the same share for both, employer contributions at 18.74 to 19.59 per cent of wages and property tax by the shared revenue's rules, at the dearest reading 2.2% of factor income. In the survey VAT takes a falling share of income as income rises, so a group with lower income probably pays a somewhat larger share, which the calculation does not take into account. Wages are 91 per cent of immigrants' factor income and 88 per cent of that of Finnish-background residents of the same age. The chart shows the middle of the range.
The work-based advantage in direct taxes net of transfers, 971 euros, shrinks to 160 euros, because their factor income falls 1,925 euros short of the comparison group's. Lower income means lower indirect taxes, production taxes and employer contributions.
The rows are a snapshot of the end of 2023. People granted citizenship or a permanent permit first came on some temporary permit, so a row says nothing about the consequences of a route of entry.
A work-permit holder and a family-ground person together (2023)
A work-permit holder's spouse and children are counted under family. The chart adds a work-permit holder and one average family-ground adult together. The upper bar is the group's own level, taxes paid minus transfers received, the lower one the gap to same-age Finnish-background residents. A bar to the right is a plus for public finances, to the left a minus.
€ a year, aged 20 and over
Own levelGap to same-age Finnish-background residents
The estimate is rough. The family grounds also include the reunification of people granted protection, and not every work-permit holder brings a family.
The combined effect of families has not been measured in Finland. The chart shows the sum of two average adults, not a measured family.
The measure is the same as above: taxes and tax-like payments paid minus pensions and social benefits received. Indirect taxes, employer contributions and the use of services are not included.
Net public-finance effect by country of birth, difference to same-age natives · Finland 2011
The bar is the group's average yearly net effect on public finances as a difference to Finland-born natives of the same age. Natives are zero, and a bar to the left means the group pays in less or receives more than natives.
€ per person per year, difference to natives
Somalia, arrived over 15
−21,140 €
Iraq, arrived over 15
−18,000 €
Thailand
−11,840 €
Turkey
−8,920 €
Former Yugoslavia
−8,850 €
Former Soviet Union
−7,220 €
All foreign-born
−7,040 €
Iraq, arrived under 16
−6,820 €
Somalia, arrived under 16
−6,390 €
China
−5,330 €
Sweden
−4,650 €
Estonia
−3,450 €
Finland (native-born)
+0 €
Germany
+820 €
Covers 20–62-year-olds who moved to Finland in 1992 or later. The figures include employer social contributions and collectively consumed public services. Age standardisation weights the native observations to each group's age structure. The Somali and Iraqi figures are split by whether the person arrived over the age of 15 or younger. The publisher, Suomen Perusta, is the Finns Party's think tank.
The data year is 2011 and the report was published in 2015. It is by far the oldest figure in this section, and it is not directly comparable with the VATT 2023 calculation above: different year, different grouping (country of birth vs. reason for immigration) and different method.
The publisher, Suomen Perusta, is a think tank associated with the Finns Party. The calculation uses public register data, but it is not official statistics and not peer-reviewed.
No newer figure has replaced it, which is a different thing from its being out of date. Suomen Perusta has not repeated the calculation: since then it has published a lifecycle projection for two countries (2019) and municipal statistics on 2022 data (2025), but no new net effect by country of birth. VATT's Datahuone project for the Ministry of Finance promises a breakdown by reason for migration and country of origin, with results due in early 2027. Until then this is the only Finnish calculation that puts a net figure on an individual country of birth and counts collectively consumed public services in it.
The report's main figure 90 leaves out employer social contributions and is not a difference to natives. In it Somalia is −13,850, Iraq −13,360, all foreign-born −3,620 and natives +80 euros per 20–62-year-old. The report's figure 27 is a narrower measure still, direct taxes paid minus income transfers received with no services, and in it Somalia is −7,900 and the Finland-born +3,400 euros.
Age standardisation changes the figures only a little, because the comparison is limited to 20–62-year-olds. Without it (appendix tables 18 and 19) the Somalia-born who arrived over the age of 15 are at −21,450, the Iraq-born who arrived over 15 at −18,290 and all foreign-born at −7,110 euros.
VATT Datahuone: incomes and transfers received by people with a foreign background (report 1/2026)20262 findings
Commissioned by the Ministry of Finance, register data for 2023. Aged 20 and over, standardised against people of Finnish background with the same age and sex distribution. The euro figures by ground of residence permit are read off the report's chart, not its body text
The euro figures in the chart show how much each group's net transfers deviate from the average for comparable native Finns of the same age and sex, not the group's absolute net transfer position. In absolute terms, both the work- and EU-residence-based groups had positive net transfers according to the report, while the native-Finnish-background average was negative.
The difference arises above all from the reason for migration: work-based migration is fiscally close to zero or positive, while humanitarian and family-based migration are clearly negative.
Why the cost estimates for immigration differ from one another20266 findings
Comparison: Salminen's calculation (Suomen Perusta) and Sarvimäki's alternative calculation in the VATT blog post “On the costs of immigration”, plus Pauli Vahtera's calculation (2019, 2016–2019 data)
The figures in public circulation do not contradict each other. They measure different things. The differences come from three choices: which population is counted, which costs are attributed to immigration, and whether the calculation is a single-year snapshot or a whole life cycle.
Broad attribution (Salminen, Suomen Perusta): public-goods costs are assumed to rise by EUR 3,181 per immigrant per year: the total cost of public goods divided by Finland's population (about EUR 3,100 per head) plus the Immigration Service's expenditure divided by the number of foreign citizens (EUR 81 per foreigner). On that assumption the total cost is some EUR 700 million a year.
Narrow attribution (the alternative calculation in Sarvimäki's VATT blog): the cost of public goods (defence, infrastructure, interest) is not attributed to immigrants at all. Only the Immigration Service's expenditure is counted (EUR 81 per foreigner). That yields an average net cost of EUR 520 per person per year and a total of some EUR 107 million a year.
NOTE: EUR 3,181 and EUR 520 are not comparable with each other. The former is an input assumption about the cost of public goods. The latter is an output: the average net cost. The comparable figures are the totals, EUR 700 million and EUR 107 million.
Vahtera: EUR 3.2 billion a year in his headline, EUR 3,264 million in the calculation's table. It covers humanitarian immigration only, not immigration as a whole, and includes items such as the costs of crime. The calculation was made in 2019 from the state accounts for 2016–2017, the 2019 budget and statistics for 2017–2018.
All three are cross-sectional calculations. VATT itself notes that a dynamic life-cycle calculation would be more sensible: an immigrant arrives with the costs of childhood already paid elsewhere, may leave before old age, and integration takes time before full labour-market participation.
ETLA (Kauhanen 2026): the economic effects of immigration – structure and integration decide20265 findings
Literature review: Pesola et al. 2024a (Migri and Statistics Finland register data 2011–2021, ages 18–59) and the Swedish National Institute of Economic Research 2025a/b
In Finland (Pesola et al. 2024a) the grounds of the residence permit decide the employment path: work-based arrivals are over 80 % employed in their first year, EU citizens go from about 60 % to 80 % in ten years, students from about 25 % to 70 %, family-based arrivals from about 10 % to 70 % and people granted international protection from about 10 % to 60 %.
Income gaps outlast employment gaps: the incomes of people who came on protection grounds start below 5 % of the native level and are still under half after ten years.
About 17 % of immigrants leave Finland within ten years, nearly a quarter of students but only about 8 % of those who came on protection grounds.
For Finland the review rests on Salminen's register calculation (Suomen Perusta 2015), the same source as the Suomen Perusta report above: people born in Germany had a clearly positive net effect on public finances in 2011, higher even than the native population's, while for people born in Somalia and Iraq it was markedly negative.
Sweden's long-run data (Konjunkturinstitutet 2025a) shows the same pattern in numbers: refugees' net effect averages −27,500 SEK per person a year (−22 bn SEK for the group) and turns positive only after about 15 years of residence. Only about 40 % of working-age (20–64) refugees made a positive net contribution in the year studied, against over 50 % of other foreign-born residents and over 70 % of the native population. In the same table the Swedish-born average is −700 SEK per person.
VATT: the fiscal impact of immigration on public finances (ongoing)20253 findings
A study commissioned by the Ministry of Finance, begun in February 2025
Vahtera's headline estimate of the annual total cost of humanitarian immigration is EUR 3.2 billion. The items in his table sum to EUR 3,264 million, or EUR 3.3 billion rounded. The figure does not cover immigration as a whole.
The calculation covers social security, health care, education and administrative costs against the taxes paid by immigrant groups, plus the costs of crime.
Vahtera has himself said the available data was incomplete and that he chose a conservative approach. For how this compares with VATT's calculation methods, see the previous item.
He also gives cumulative figures: EUR 46 billion for humanitarian immigration over 1990–2018, and EUR 79 billion (76% of the state debt) once development aid and an imputed 2% interest rate are added. Both rest on the assumption that spending rose evenly from zero to the 2018 level, and the interest calculation assumes all of it was debt-financed.
Suomen Perusta – immigration and public finances: lifecycle effects20198 findings
Municipality-level register data. The lifecycle figures are undiscounted differences to a Finland-born comparison person, and they are sensitive to the assumptions made about employment and return migration.
Somalia: in the 2011 data, direct taxes paid minus income transfers received came to −€7,900 per 20–62-year-old a year for people born in Somalia, with no services and no indirect taxes counted. Counting public services as well, the net effect was −€13,850, which still leaves out employer contributions. On the first measure the figure was +€3,400 for people born in Finland and +€5,100 for people born in Germany. The annual figures are not from the linked lifecycle summary but from Suomen Perusta's 2015 report (figures 27 and 90), which is also the source of this section's country-of-birth chart.
Iraq: similarly strongly negative.
People from Western countries such as Germany and Sweden: close to zero or positive.
Undiscounted lifecycle calculation, as a difference to a Finland-born person: an arrival from Somalia −€951,000 without children, −€1,343,000 with children. Discounted to present value, the figure for an arrival from Somalia aged 20–24 is −€772,000.
An arrival from Iraq: −€690,000 without children, −€844,000 with children. Discounted, without children, −€554,000.
The report also gives standard deviations for its projections, and they are large: Somalia ±€801,000 (with children ±€1,769,000) and Iraq ±€623,000 (±€1,227,000). No individual's lifecycle effect can therefore be read from the figures.
Labour migration from Western Europe is close to zero or positive.
The publisher, Suomen Perusta, is the Finns Party's think tank and has its own position on immigration policy. The calculation is nonetheless based on register data, and its results point the same way as the Danish Ministry of Finance's. ETLA's review rests, for Finland, on the same author's earlier Suomen Perusta report (Salminen 2015), so it is not an independent confirmation.
The effect of immigration on the pension system
The Helsingin Sanomat guest column and article ask whether immigration endangers the long-term sustainability of the pension system.
An HS interview: Suvi-Anne Siimes, chief executive of Tela, the earnings-related pension providers’ interest group, argues that immigrants qualify for Kela pensions too easily and that tightening the conditions would encourage people to come to Finland to work at a younger age rather than arriving in old age to draw a pension. Entitlement to the guarantee and national pension arises after three years’ residence, and the full guarantee pension is about EUR 990 a month, the same amount for immigrants and the Finnish-born alike. This is the position of an interest group’s chief executive, not a research finding: the piece presents no calculation of immigrants’ pension contributions.
The most expensive reception centre, in Helsinki's Punavuori, cost €130 per person per night in 2024. The cheapest (Salo, Halikko) cost €25. The national average has fallen to €35, from €66 at the 2015 peak. Food at Punavuori costs about €25 per person per day, or about €36,000 a year for a family of four. The unit costs €5 million a year in total: €1m rent, €1m food, €1m staff and about €1m in outsourced health and social services. The Finnish Immigration Service plans to move the unit by 2028 to improve cost efficiency.
AN OPINION COLUMN, not reporting and not research: the author, Simon Hankinson, is a senior research fellow at the Heritage Foundation and the piece ran on the Telegraph's comment pages. It relays at second hand the same Suomen Perusta figures that this site's own chart uses directly, and the article itself discloses that Suomen Perusta is linked to the Finns Party. Its checkable factual claims hold: Finland receives about 50,000 new arrivals a year, and per the OECD about half of the 2024 arrivals came to join family members. It also cites Minnesota figures (81% of Somali-headed households use some federal welfare, against 21% of native-headed households). Those figures come from a different country and a different welfare system and are not comparable with the Finnish numbers. The article does not present Finland as Europe's clearest example. It says that Finland's findings echo those from Denmark and the Netherlands.
HS on a report by VATT, the Finnish government's economic research institute, comparing income taxes and transfers in 2023 with age and sex held constant. Working-age Finnish-background residents paid clearly more income tax and received less in transfers than a comparable foreign-background population, and foreign-background residents received clearly more unemployment benefits and social assistance. At the same time, working-age foreign-background residents paid more income tax on average than they received in transfers. Lead researcher Matti Sarvimäki says that, for direct transfers, the effect of all immigrants on public finances is currently roughly zero. The spread between groups is wide: people on work-based residence permits had better net transfer positions than comparable Finnish-background residents, while those who arrived on protection or family grounds were clearly the most negative. Note that the study covers direct transfers and income taxes, not public services and not the whole life cycle.
International
OECD 2021: immigrants' net fiscal contribution in 25 countries20216 findings
Ana Damas de Matos, International Migration Outlook 2021, chapter 4. The foreign-born in 22 European OECD countries and in Australia, Canada and the United States over 2006–2018, by one method. General government spending and revenue from the national accounts are divided between the foreign-born and the native-born with labour force surveys and income surveys (EU-SILC). Finland's figures are read from the chapter's tables 4.1, 4.3, 4.4 and 4.5 and from the data of figure 4.8
In most countries the net fiscal contribution of the foreign-born was between −1% and +1% of GDP. In every country they paid more in taxes and contributions than was spent on their social protection, health and education. With all collective spending divided equally over all adults, the foreign-born's net contribution was negative in 18 of the 25 countries and the native-born's in 20, because most countries ran deficits.
In Finland the net contribution of the foreign-born averaged +0.13% of GDP over 2006–2018 when only the items attributed to individuals are counted. Adding the collective spending that grows with the population and the other government revenue gives +0.18. When pure public goods such as defence and interest on the national debt are also divided equally over all adults, the figure is −0.18, against −0.30 for the native-born. On that basis the foreign-born's payments covered 91% of what was spent on them and the native-born's payments 99%.
Population structure explains most of the differences between countries, since the age distribution alone accounts for 60% of them. According to the OECD, the net contribution is more positive in countries whose immigrants are mostly recent labour migrants than in countries that have taken in mainly humanitarian migrants.
Of the 17 European countries compared, only in Finland and Belgium did non-EU-born people aged 25–54 pay less than was spent on them once pure public goods were also divided equally over all adults. In Finland their payments covered 93% of the spending and in Belgium 89%. For EU-born people of the same age the share in Finland was 131%.
In Finland 10% less was spent per person on the foreign-born than on the native-born, and they paid 18% less. Spending is held down because only 0.18 times as much went on their old-age and survivors' pensions. On social exclusion and housing 5.2 times as much was spent on them, on unemployment benefits 2.7 times and on family benefits 2.1 times.
The figures come from survey data, not registers. Health spending is divided by age, the same for immigrants and the native-born, and integration programmes are divided equally over all adults, because the accounts do not separate them. Only people resident for at least a year are included, and the OECD itself says the method does not capture the cost of the asylum seekers of 2015–2016. Immigrants' children born in the country are counted with the native-born. When those under 15 are counted in their parents' group, Finland's figure is −0.35% of GDP, but the taxes they pay as adults then stay in the native-born figure.
Denmark
Average net contribution to public finances by age · Denmark 2018
The figures cover Danish public finances and the Danish tax and benefit system, not Finland's. They do not transfer to Finland as they stand. The shape of the age profile is what the chart is for.
The unit is DKK 1,000 per person (DKK 1,000 is roughly 134 euros).
Actual and age-standardised average net contribution · Denmark 2018
The upper bar is the actual net effect, the lower the same age-standardised, that is with the group's age structure set to that of people of Danish origin. A bar to the left is a cost.
DKK 1,000 per person
ActualAge-standardised
Western immigrants
+38+2
Western descendants
−72+8
MENAPT immigrants
−85−118
MENAPT descendants
−110−58
Other non-Western immigrants
−4−60
Other non-Western descendants
−108−33
Age-standardisation recomputes each group's net contribution as if it had the same age distribution as people of Danish origin. For Western descendants the negativity is an age effect (positive once standardised), whereas for MENAPT immigrants the figure is even lower after standardisation (−85 → −118), so the gap is not explained by age structure. Values read from the report's figure 2.8.
Age standardisation shows what the net contribution would be if the group had the same age structure as people of Danish origin. The gap between actual and standardised is the part that comes from age structure alone.
As above: the Danish system and Danish kroner, not Finland's.
Average net contribution to public finances by country of origin · Denmark 2019
A bar to the right is a net contributor, to the left a net recipient, in thousands of Danish kroner per person per year.
DKK 1,000 per person per year
Somalia
−130
Syria
−118
Lebanon
−102
Iraq
−90
Afghanistan
−79
MENAPT countries, average
−74
Eritrea
−71
All immigrants
+5
Other non-Western, average
+14
Danish origin
+22
Western countries, average
+52
Italy
+70
India
+94
Netherlands
+110
United States
+110
France
+114
United Kingdom
+114
Show the remaining countries (24)
Morocco
−46
Former Yugoslavia
−45
Pakistan
−34
Turkey
−32
Bosnia and Herzegovina
−26
Iran
−24
Sri Lanka
+6
Philippines
+10
Vietnam
+12
Bulgaria
+12
Hungary
+15
Thailand
+15
Latvia
+18
Iceland
+24
Romania
+31
Russia
+34
Norway
+34
Poland
+38
Germany
+42
Lithuania
+46
Ukraine
+48
China
+51
Spain
+57
Sweden
+69
The group averages and the Danish-origin level come from table 2.1 of the same publication, so every country reads against its own group and against the native population. Western, MENAPT and other non-Western are the ministry's own grouping: Denmark counts EU countries as Western, so Poland, Romania and Bulgaria are Western while Russia and Ukraine are not.
The figures cover Danish public finances and the Danish tax and benefit system, not Finland's. They do not transfer to Finland as they stand. The unit is DKK 1,000, which is roughly 134 euros.
Immigrants only. The ministry counts descendants separately and they are not in these figures. That matters, because in the same table the descendants' average is −102 against the immigrants' +5, largely because of their young age structure.
Only countries with at least 5,000 resident full-year persons in Denmark in 2019 are included. The list is therefore the 36 largest origins, not all of them.
This is a single year's cross-section, not a lifetime figure. Age structure feeds straight into it: a group with many working-age people looks better than one with many children or pensioners. The same publication's age-standardisation is in the chart above.
Danish Ministry of Finance: immigrants' net effect on public finances in 201820186 findings
Finansministeriet (the Danish Ministry of Finance), register data (Danmarks Statistik), 2018 levels
In 2018, non-Western immigrants and their descendants were a net cost to the public finances of about DKK 31 billion (some EUR 4.2 billion). Western immigrants and their descendants were by contrast net contributors, at about +DKK 7 billion.
Of the non-Western net cost, the MENAPT countries (Middle East, North Africa, Pakistan, Turkey) accounted for about DKK 24 billion and other non-Western countries about DKK 7 billion.
Average net contribution per person in 2018 (DKK 1,000): Danish origin +8, Western immigrants +39, MENAPT immigrants −85. The raw figures for descendants (efterkommere) are negative largely because of their young age structure (school pupils and students). Age standardisation changes the picture (see figure 2.8).
Of working-age (25–64) MENAPT immigrants, 35% were net contributors, against 53% of other non-Western immigrants.
Even after standardising for age, the average net contribution of MENAPT immigrants remains clearly below that of people of Danish origin, so the gap is not explained by age structure alone.
Finansministeriet has produced the same analysis annually since 2015. The non-Western net cost fell by DKK 2 billion from 2017, reflecting among other things a rise in the employment rate.
Norway
Taxes minus transfers per household by country background · Norway 2024
The bar is the taxes a household paid in a year minus the transfers it received, in thousands of Norwegian kroner. The household is grouped by the country background of its highest earner.
NOK 1,000 per household per year
Syria
−206
Ukraine
−158
Somalia
−137
Iraq
−115
Afghanistan
−63
Turkey
−46
Thailand
−23
Pakistan
−12
Eritrea
−2
Vietnam
+38
Poland
+66
Latvia
+77
Lithuania
+85
Romania
+90
Rest of the population
+172
Sweden
+198
Germany
+203
Denmark
+211
India
+241
United Kingdom
+284
Covers households whose highest earner is aged 25–61, excluding student households. Taxes are income and wealth taxes, and transfers include unemployment benefit, disability pension, child benefit, housing allowance and social assistance among others. NOK 1,000 is about 86 euros at the 2024 average rate.
The figures come from a table Statistics Norway (SSB) made to order for the Progress Party (case 2026/232). SSB does not publish the table in its StatBank, so the figures are taken from charts Nettavisen published in April 2026. Only the difference between taxes and transfers has been published by country.
Public services such as health care, education and childcare are not included, and neither are indirect taxes. The figure is therefore not a net effect on public finances.
The figure is per household, not per person, and household size differs by country background.
According to Nettavisen the groups include both immigrants and children of immigrants born in Norway. The rest of the population is SSB's group whose highest earner is neither.
Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Philippines, Russia and Iran are left out, because Nettavisen's different charts give them different figures.
United Kingdom
Dustmann and Frattini 2014: the fiscal effects of immigration to the UK20146 findings
The Economic Journal 124, University College London. The whole population over 1995–2011, in 2011 pounds.
Over the whole period from 1995 to 2011, immigrants from EEA countries paid 4 per cent more into the system than they received from it, a net GBP 8.8 billion. Over the same years the native-born paid in 93 per cent of what they received, a net GBP −604.5 billion.
Immigrants from outside the EEA were a net cost across the whole period. The authors put part of that down to age structure: they have had more children than the native-born, and the education spending on those children is charged to them, while their own education was paid for by the country they came from.
For those who arrived after 1999 the picture differs. Between 2001 and 2011 the EEA arrivals among them paid 34 per cent more than they took out, a net GBP 22.1 billion, and the non-EEA arrivals 2 per cent more, a net GBP 2.9 billion. Some 25 billion together, over a period in which the state itself ran a deficit.
The result turns on how shared spending is divided, and the authors compute it both ways. Pure public goods such as defence are not used up in consumption, so one more resident adds nothing to their cost. Congestible services such as fire protection, waste management and water supply are used up, and those are charged at average cost.
When defence and the like are charged to the native-born alone, immigration saves them money by spreading a fixed bill across more people. The saving was GBP 4.7 billion in 1995 and GBP 15.8 billion in 2011.
The authors say themselves that they take a cautious stance, one that is likely to overstate the net fiscal cost of immigrants. The figures cover the British tax and benefit system and do not transfer to Finland as they stand.
Europe
Lifetime net contribution to public finances by region of origin · Netherlands
The bar is one immigrant's lifetime net effect on public finances including children, in thousands of euros. Left is a cost, right a gain.
EUR 1,000 per immigrant, children included
Horn of Africa and Sudan
−606
Morocco
−542
Afghanistan, Iran, Syria and Iraq
−418
Central Africa
−382
West Africa
−348
Turkey
−340
Native Dutch reference
+95
Oceania
+166
EFTA, microstates and crown dependencies
+182
United Kingdom and Ireland
+191
Japan
+194
North America
+203
Denmark, Sweden and Finland
+208
Show the remaining regions (29)
Caribbean
−321
North Africa (excl. Morocco)
−319
Aruba and former Netherlands Antilles
−254
Pakistan
−238
Arabian Peninsula, Jordan and Lebanon
−224
Suriname
−185
Former Soviet Union (excl. Baltic states)
−177
Former Yugoslavia and Albania
−161
Thailand, Indochina and Myanmar
−159
Central America and other South America
−118
East Africa
−98
Poland and the Baltic states
−71
Bulgaria and Romania
−70
Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and East Timor
−66
China, Mongolia and North Korea
−47
Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay and Chile
−34
Indian subcontinent (excl. Pakistan)
−27
Portugal
−27
Indonesia
−24
Greece and Cyprus
−13
Hungary, Czechia, Slovakia, Slovenia and Croatia
−6
South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore
+14
Germany and Austria
+23
Spain
+39
Italy and Malta
+50
Israel
+58
Belgium and Luxembourg
+63
Southern Africa
+158
France
+165
The figure is the taxes and contributions an immigrant pays minus the public spending that falls on them, over the whole remaining life course from arrival. It also includes the life course of their children born in the Netherlands and the probability that the immigrant leaves again. The calculation covers the immigrants living in the country in 2016, with future years discounted to their 2016 value. The native Dutch reference is the authors' hypothetical immigrant with the schooling, labour-market position and health-care costs of the average native Dutch person. It is therefore not the native population's average. A native Dutch person born in the Netherlands has, according to the authors, a lifetime net contribution of roughly zero on average.
The figures cover Dutch public finances and the Dutch tax and benefit system, not Finland's. They do not transfer to Finland as they stand.
The regions of origin are the authors' own 42-region division, and even the smallest group has at least 5,000 people. The former Yugoslavia group excludes Slovenia and Croatia, which are grouped with Hungary and Czechia. The Brazil group also includes French Guiana.
People who moved from Finland are in one group with Denmark and Sweden. They are not broken out.
The figures are from the baseline scenario: a real discount rate of 2.5%, productivity growth of 1% a year and a state pension age rising to 70. Shared spending such as defence is divided equally between all residents. The same table has four variants. Dividing shared spending partly by income narrows the differences, and a discount rate one percentage point lower widens them. The order stays almost the same in every variant. No region moves more than two places, and the Horn of Africa and Sudan is last in each one.
IZA discussion papers are preliminary and not peer-reviewed. The authors are the same as those of the Borderless Welfare State report, and the data are the same Statistics Netherlands register data.
The Danish chart above is a single year's figure per person, this one is a lifetime figure per immigrant. The values cannot be compared directly, only the ordering.
The figures assume that some immigrants later leave, as they have so far. If nobody left, most figures would grow in both directions. The Horn of Africa and Sudan would be −1,140,000 euros, Morocco −806,000, Central Africa −702,000 and West Africa −650,000, North America +521,000, Denmark, Sweden and Finland +506,000 and the native Dutch reference +198,000 (Borderless Welfare State, table 4.3).
Lifetime net contribution by generation and region of origin · Netherlands
The figure in the chart above split in two: the immigrant's own life course and that of their children born in the Netherlands. Both are counted per immigrant, so together the two parts give the figure above.
The children's part is negative for 37 of 41 regions, including those whose first generation is clearly positive. Where the first generation is clearly negative, the children's part is usually clearly negative too. For Morocco, West Africa, East Africa and the Brazil group the children's deficit is larger than the immigrant's own.
The children's part is per immigrant, not per child. The second generation's own life course per person is in the report's figure 5.1. For someone who stays for good it is −480,000 euros for a Moroccan background, −460,000 for the Horn of Africa and Sudan, −435,000 for the Caribbean and −390,000 for West Africa. It is +95,000 for a Japanese background and −3,000 for a native Dutch person born in 2016.
The chart's source is the same authors' Borderless Welfare State report (2023). The totals in its table 4.3 are the same as in the chart above, and they assume that some immigrants later leave.
Lifetime net contribution by ground of entry · Netherlands, arrivals from 1995
The bar is one first-generation immigrant's net contribution to public finances from arrival to death or departure, in thousands of euros. Children are not included.
The ground is the one the immigrant gave to the Dutch immigration service IND. It has been recorded only since 1995, so the figures cover those who arrived then or later. Unknown is the group with no recorded ground, for example because they already held Dutch citizenship.
All arrivals together: work +153,000, study −34,000, other −120,000, unknown −138,000, family −182,000 and asylum −392,000 euros.
With the children's part included, the report's summary gives rounded averages of work +125,000, study −75,000, family −275,000 and asylum −475,000 euros.
Western and non-Western is Statistics Netherlands' division. It counts Japan and Indonesia as Western, and Turkey as non-Western.
Borderless Welfare State20234 findings
Anonymous registry data for 17 million Dutch residents (1995–2019)
The whole-lifetime net cost to the Dutch public sector of the immigrants who arrived in 1995–2019 has a present value of about EUR 400 billion, in 2016 euros at a 2.5% discount rate. The realised net impact in the single year 2016 was about EUR 17 billion.
Immigrants use more social security, education, and other benefits than the native population and pay less in taxes and social-security contributions.
Work and study migration from most Western countries and from a number of non-Western ones, East Asian above all, was a net gain for the public finances. All other immigration was at best roughly budget-neutral, and family and asylum migration were the most clearly negative.
The larger the share of an arrival cohort on benefits after two years, the smaller the share that leaves within ten years. The report compares 224 cohorts from 1999–2009 across 21 non-EU/EFTA nationalities. Among Indians, Japanese and Americans, for example, a few per cent or less were on benefits, and usually more than half had left within ten years. Among Afghans, Syrians and Iraqis about 10–40 per cent were on benefits, and 10–35 per cent left. The association is strong (r = 0.83), but the authors say themselves that its causes still need research.
United States
NASEM 2016: the economic and fiscal consequences of immigration20166 findings
A panel of the US National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, a 508-page report. Lifetime calculations over a 75-year horizon, in 2012 dollars.
A new immigrant's net effect on the public finances is USD 259,000 when the calculation runs on the Congressional Budget Office's long-term path and shared spending such as defence is not charged to them. Of that total, 173,000 is the immigrant's own and 85,000 their descendants'.
The same person turns into USD −36,000 if the budget path is switched to one with no fiscal adjustment at all and shared spending is charged to them at average cost. In between lie 173,000 and 77,000. It is the same calculation and the same person, only two assumptions.
The marginal cost of pure public goods from one more resident is, in the report's words, “at least in the short run, zero or close to it”. Shared spending is almost a third of federal spending, so the report treats the choice between average and marginal cost as quantitatively very important.
The choice also reverses the order of the generations. When shared spending is divided among everyone at average cost, the first generation looks slightly weaker than the third-plus generation at the federal level. When it is charged to the native-born only, the order reverses.
As a cross-section, the first generation costs the public finances more than the native-born, mostly at state and local level, because that is where the education of their children is paid for. The children of immigrants, the second generation, are in the report's words among the strongest economic and fiscal contributors in the population.
The site's lifetime calculator and its annual cost calculator use this same split: marginal cost leaves out only the pure public goods, and the choice is put in front of the reader as a switch.
Employment by background countryEconomySocial cohesion
Key figures
In 2024 the employment rate of the foreign-born of foreign background was 56.0 percent, against 74.5 percent for the Finnish background together with the Finland-born of foreign background. For the African background it was 49.9 percent.
Employment differences between background countries are wide, and employment is the central measure of integration. The figures cover everyone with a foreign background, by background country. They do not separate work, family and protection arrivals, so the differences between countries largely reflect which countries people arrive from on which grounds. The split by ground is under grounds for arrival, and what employment means for earnings is under income level.
Employment rate by origin and region of background · Finland 1995–2024
Statistics Finland's integration indicators break employment down by region of background. The gap to the native population has narrowed over thirty years without closing, and the differences between regions of origin are larger than the average gap to the native population.
% of 18 to 64-year-olds
Finnish background and Finland-born foreign backgroundForeign-born, foreign background, totalBackground in other EU27 countriesBackground in AsiaBackground in Africa
Details
The group “Finnish background and Finland-born foreign background” combines the native population with the second generation, because the statistic does not separate them.
Region of background is a coarse split: Africa, for example, covers both refugee-background people and those who moved for work.
A register-based employment rate is not the same figure as the labour force survey's, so it is not comparable with the site's other employment figures.
Show the figures
Year
Finnish background and Finland-born foreign background (% of 18 to 64-year-olds)
Foreign-born, foreign background, total (% of 18 to 64-year-olds)
Background in other EU27 countries (% of 18 to 64-year-olds)
Share of the employed in elementary occupations, by background country · 2024
Occupation group says where in the wage distribution a group works. “Elementary occupations” is the lowest-paid major class in the classification: cleaning, kitchen assistance, refuse collection and labouring. Of the Finnish-background employed 5.2% work there, of the Philippine-background 37.5%.
Occupation group is a proxy for pay, not pay itself. Statistics Finland publishes no earnings by background country: neither the structure-of-earnings statistics nor the index of wage and salary earnings has an origin dimension at all.
The share is of the group's own employed, so it says nothing about how much of the group is in work. Employment rates are in the other figures in this section.
Groups with fewer than a hundred employed are left out.
Employment gap of the Finland-born of foreign background to the Finnish-background, aged 18 to 29 · Finland 2022
Percentage points, difference in the employed share from the Finland-born of Finnish background
Gap as it standsParents' position held equal
All
−4.5+6.3
Middle East
−11.4+5.6
Europe
−6.6+0.2
Africa
−4.5+9.1
Soviet Union or Russia
−3.7+4.9
Asia
−2.8+6.4
Yugoslavia
+4.2+15.2
The second bar compares a young person with Finnish-background peers whose parents have the same socio-economic position, and also holds age, sex and region of birth equal. The gap then turns to zero or positive in every group. A Finland-born young person of foreign background is thus in work as often as, or more often than, a Finnish-background peer whose parents are in the same position.
The raw gap is real. Standardising does not remove it but says where it comes from: the parents' weaker position, not the young person.
Standardised for age and sex alone, the gap was −1.6 points for all, −6.3 for people of Middle Eastern background, −3.2 European, −2.0 African, −0.2 Soviet Union or Russia, +0.1 Asian and +5.7 Yugoslav.
Not statistically significant at the 1 per cent level are the gaps as they stand for people of Soviet or Russian, Yugoslav and European background, and the standardised gap for people of European background.
The report's text says no gap remains for people of Middle Eastern background after standardising. In the report's figure the gap is +5.6 and significant. The chart uses the figure's value.
Many 18 to 29-year-olds are students, so the employment rate is low in every group and does not compare with figures for 20 to 64-year-olds.
The background group follows the mother's country of birth. About a tenth have no background country, because the register lacks the country of birth of those who moved before 1983, and of some who moved before 1991.
Alasalmi & Busk 2025: Finland-born young people of foreign background in the labour market20256 findings
Publications of the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment 2025:13. Register data on all Finland-born people of foreign background aged 18 to 29 over 2010–2023, compared with the Finland-born of Finnish background.
The number of Finland-born people of foreign background aged 18 to 29 grew from about 1,000 in 2010 to over 15,000 in 2023. The largest background groups are Africa, where a large share are of Somali background, and the Soviet Union or Russia, the Middle East and Yugoslavia.
Over 2010–2022, 62.6 per cent of Finnish-background women and 57.2 per cent of men were in work, against 52.2 and 43.5 per cent of the Finland-born of foreign background. The share was highest among people of Yugoslav background, 62.1 and 51.7, and Asian background, 57.9 and 49.4. It was lowest among people of Middle Eastern background, 44.0 and 40.1, and among men of African background, 36.2.
Of women of African background 12.1 per cent and of men 17.5 per cent were outside the labour force, against 3.3 and 5.0 per cent of the Finnish-background.
Of Finnish-background women 81.2 per cent and of men 77.5 per cent had completed an upper secondary qualification, against 60.9 and 52.8 per cent of the Finland-born of foreign background. The lowest share was among men of African background, 38.8 per cent.
The gap in the employed share to the Finnish-background narrowed from 15.6 points in 2016 to 4.5 in 2022. Standardised for age and sex, the gap in 2022 was only 1.6 points and not statistically significant.
When the parents' socio-economic position is also standardised, the Finland-born of foreign background are 6.3 points more often in work than the Finnish-background. The authors conclude that the parents' position explains the gaps entirely, with the exception of disability.
Statistics Finland 2025: young people's employment by origin and background group20253 findings
Statistics Finland, Tieto&trendit 25 June 2025 (Raijas & Baumgartner). Employment statistics, 18 to 29-year-olds at the end of 2023.
Of 18 to 29-year-olds, 61.2 per cent of those with both parents born in Finland were in work, 54.8 per cent of those with one parent born abroad, 53.7 per cent of the second generation and 47.8 per cent of immigrants.
In the second generation the employed share was highest among people of Asian background, 58 per cent, and lowest among those of Middle Eastern and North African background, 11 points lower at about 47 per cent.
Read from the article's chart, the other second-generation groups fall in between: people of European, US and Canadian and of Russian and former Soviet background at about 55 per cent and those of sub-Saharan African background at about 52 per cent. Figures read from the image are accurate to about one point.
United Kingdom
Share unemployed or economically inactive by religion, aged 16 to 64 · England and Wales 2021
In the 2021 census of England and Wales, 29.1 per cent of people aged 16 to 64 were not in work. Among Muslims the share was 48.6 per cent, and in the other groups it ranged from 27.0 to 35.8 per cent. The gap was largest among women: 60.4 per cent of Muslim women were not in work against 32.5 per cent of all women, and 37.1 per cent of Muslim men against 25.5 per cent of all men.
Not in work means unemployed or economically inactive. In work were those working as employees or self-employed in the week before the census, 15 to 21 March 2021, full-time students with a job included. Students outside the labour force count as not in work.
The reason for being outside the labour force differs by group. Of Muslims 13.8 per cent were students and 16.1 per cent looked after home or family, against 7.3 and 5.8 per cent of all people aged 16 to 64. Of Muslim women 28.7 per cent looked after home or family, and of Muslim men 3.9 per cent. Of those reporting another religion 10.0 per cent were long-term sick or disabled, against 4.7 per cent of all.
The figures are not age-standardised. According to ONS the young age profile of Muslims accounts for part of the gap, because studying and looking after home or family are more common at younger ages. The median age of Muslims was 27.
Religion is the respondent's own answer to a voluntary question. The All people bar includes those who did not answer it, 6.0 per cent of people aged 16 to 64. The figures cover England and Wales only.
The census was taken during the COVID-19 pandemic. According to ONS some furloughed people may have described themselves as economically inactive although they were only temporarily away from work. Census figures also differ from Labour Force Survey figures.
The shares are computed from the counts in the ONS tables, which are rounded to the nearest five.
International
Ratio of the highly educated to the low educated in the origin population and among the foreign-born in Europe, the United States and Finland · 2010
The figure is the number of people with tertiary education per 100 with at most lower secondary education. In the adult population of sub-Saharan Africa there were 3.6 highly educated people per 100 low-educated. Among people born in the region who lived in the United States the figure was 663. Among those living in twelve European countries it was 87, and among those living in Finland it was 31. For people born in Mexico the order was reversed: the figure was 25 in the United States, and it was 389 in the European countries.
People with tertiary education per 100 with at most lower secondary education, aged 25 and over
Origin population12 European countriesUnited StatesFinland
Details
The figures are for 2010 and cover people aged 25 and over. They describe all the foreign-born living in the destination country, whatever their year of arrival, and not the people who arrived in 2010. Education is the highest level recorded in the destination country's census or register, and it may have been obtained in the destination country.
The low educated are those with at most lower secondary education: primary school, lower secondary school or no schooling. The highly educated are everyone with any tertiary education. People with upper secondary education are not part of the figure.
The origin population's figure is calculated from the Barro and Lee data with the same boundary, and each country is weighted by its population aged 25 and over. There the low educated are those with no schooling, those with primary schooling and those who attended secondary school but did not complete it. If only those with no schooling or primary schooling are counted as low educated, the origin figures are 4.2, 24, 19 and 40 in the chart's order. No such split exists for the foreign-born.
Sub-Saharan Africa is all of Africa except Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia. The Middle East and North Africa is those five countries plus Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, the Palestinian territories, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, the United Arab Emirates and Yemen. Turkey is not part of it. Asia is South, Southeast and East Asia, from Afghanistan and Pakistan to Japan. The countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus are not part of it.
Some countries are missing from the Barro and Lee data. For sub-Saharan Africa these include Nigeria, Ethiopia, Somalia and Eritrea, so the region's population figure covers about six in ten of its adults. The figures for the other regions cover nearly the whole adult population.
The European countries are Austria, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Luxembourg, Portugal, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. Spain, the Netherlands and Norway are also in the data, but in their 2010 figures the education distribution is the same or nearly the same for every country of birth, and Spain's figures have no women. They are therefore left out. Italy and Belgium are not in the data.
The 2010 figures for Austria, Switzerland, Greece, Luxembourg, Portugal and the United Kingdom were estimated from data for 2000–2001, and Ireland's from the 2006 census. Germany's figures cover foreign citizens rather than the foreign-born, so people who have become German citizens are missing from them.
Finland's figures come from Statistics Finland's registers. According to Statistics Finland (Tieto&trendit, 25 June 2024), the register of qualifications under-covers degrees completed abroad, because people moving to Finland are not asked about the education they completed abroad. The register's lowest class is “no qualification beyond basic education”, so it also holds people whose foreign degree is missing from the register. Statistics Finland supplemented the register with surveys aimed at the foreign-born in 2019 and 2023, which is after the 2010 data. After the supplementary surveys and estimation, Statistics Finland estimated that in 2023 41 per cent of foreign-born people of foreign background aged 18 to 64 held a tertiary degree and 16 per cent had at most basic education. The estimate is in the chart Share with tertiary and with at most basic education among 18–64-year-olds by origin, in the section Education.
In 2010 only 434 people born in Mexico and aged 25 and over lived in Finland, so Finland's Mexico figure is uncertain.
Share of the low educated among the foreign-born and the native-born in Finland and comparison countries · 2020
The low educated are those with at most lower secondary education. The figures cover people aged 15 to 64 who are not in education. In Finland 22.8 per cent of the foreign-born were low educated, and 9.5 per cent of the native-born were. In the other EU countries combined the shares were 35.1 and 19.5 per cent. In Sweden the shares were 29.0 and 9.1 per cent, and in Germany they were 35.9 and 9.9 per cent. Finland's education data come from a register that lacks most degrees completed abroad. The OECD therefore left Finland out of its EU and OECD totals.
% of people aged 15 to 64 not in education
Native-bornForeign-born
Details
The figures come from surveys and are for 2020. The figures for the EU countries, Iceland, Norway and the United Kingdom come from the EU Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS), those for the United States from the Current Population Survey and those for Canada from the Canadian Labour Force Survey. The United Kingdom's figures are for 2019, and Canada's figures are for 2021.
The figures cover people aged 15 to 64 who are not in education. In the United States students are excluded only at ages 16 to 54. The foreign-born are everyone born abroad who lives in the country, whatever their year of arrival, including those who arrived as children.
The low educated are those whose highest education is at ISCED levels 0 to 2, that is, at most lower secondary education. Upper secondary education is at levels 3 and 4, and tertiary education is at levels 5 to 8.
Since 2018 the education data in Finland's labour force survey have been taken from Statistics Finland's register of qualifications (Statistics Finland, labour force survey December 2019, appendix table 47). According to Statistics Finland, most degrees completed abroad are missing from the register, because people moving to Finland are not asked about the education they completed abroad (Tieto&trendit, 25 June 2024, and the privacy notice of the survey on education completed abroad). The survey's lowest education class is “no post-basic education or level of education unknown”. Finland's share of the highly educated among the foreign-born is therefore lower than the true share, and its share of the low educated may be higher than the true share. According to Statistics Finland's estimate based on supplementary surveys and estimation, 16 per cent of foreign-born people of foreign background aged 18 to 64 had at most basic education in 2023, against 12 per cent of the rest of the population. The age range and the definition of the group differ from the OECD's. The estimate is in the chart Share with tertiary and with at most basic education among 18–64-year-olds by origin, in the section Education.
The OECD left Finland out of its EU and OECD totals, because in Finland the education data of people with foreign qualifications are not reliable. The chart's EU figure is therefore the total of the 26 other EU countries, and its OECD figure is the total of the 37 other OECD countries.
In the chart, shares of ten per cent or more are rounded to whole numbers. Under Show the figures they are given to one decimal.
Share of the highly educated among the foreign-born and the native-born in Finland and comparison countries · 2020
The highly educated are those with tertiary education. The figures cover people aged 15 to 64 who are not in education. In Finland 34.1 per cent of the foreign-born were highly educated, and 44.6 per cent of the native-born were. In the other EU countries combined the shares were 28.6 and 31.6 per cent. In Sweden the shares were 41.7 and 41.3 per cent, and in Canada they were 65.9 and 50.0 per cent. Because degrees completed abroad are missing from Finland's register, Finland's figure for the foreign-born is lower than the true figure.
% of people aged 15 to 64 not in education
Native-bornForeign-born
Details
The highly educated are those whose highest education is at ISCED levels 5 to 8, that is, tertiary education. Short-cycle tertiary education (level 5) is included.
The data and boundaries are the same as in the chart of the low educated. The figures come from surveys and are for 2020, and they cover people aged 15 to 64 who are not in education. The United Kingdom's figures are for 2019, and Canada's figures are for 2021.
The education data in Finland's labour force survey come from Statistics Finland's register of qualifications, which lacks most degrees completed abroad. Finland's share of the highly educated among the foreign-born is therefore lower than the true share. The OECD left Finland out of its EU and OECD totals, because in Finland the education data of people with foreign qualifications are not reliable. According to Statistics Finland's estimate based on supplementary surveys and estimation, 41 per cent of foreign-born people of foreign background aged 18 to 64 held a tertiary degree in 2023, against 39 per cent of the rest of the population. The age range and the definition of the group differ from the OECD's. The estimate is in the chart Share with tertiary and with at most basic education among 18–64-year-olds by origin, in the section Education.
According to the report, more than half of the highly educated foreign-born in the EU and in the OECD obtained their degree abroad.
OECD and European Commission 2023: the education and employment of the foreign-born and the native-born20236 findings
OECD and European Commission, Indicators of Immigrant Integration 2023: Settling In (15 June 2023), chapter 3, figures 3.1, 3.9 and 3.10 and annex tables B1 and B6. Labour force surveys, in the EU countries the EU Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS): people aged 15 to 64 not in education, education in 2020 and employment by education in 2020 and 2021.
The report has 83 indicators of the integration of immigrants and their children in OECD and EU countries. Education is split into three levels by the ISCED classification: low, meaning at most lower secondary (levels 0 to 2), upper secondary (levels 3 and 4) and tertiary (levels 5 to 8).
In the EU without Finland, 35 per cent of the foreign-born were low educated, against 20 per cent of the native-born. According to the report, the gap comes mainly from people born outside the EU, 40 per cent of whom were low educated. In the share of the highly educated, the gap between the foreign-born and the native-born was 3 percentage points.
Of the foreign-born who had lived in the country for less than five years, 39 per cent in the EU and 50 per cent in the OECD were highly educated in 2020. In 2010 the shares were 25 and 35 per cent.
The OECD left Finland out of its EU and OECD totals in the figures of the report's chapter 3 on education and on employment by education. In the report's annex table, Finland's row on education is empty. According to the notes to the figures, the reason is that in Finland the education data of people with foreign qualifications are not reliable.
In 2021 the employment rate of low-educated foreign-born people in Finland was 57.5 per cent, and the employment rate of the low-educated native-born was 54.5 per cent. For the highly educated the corresponding figures were 84.1 and 88.9 per cent. In the other EU countries combined the figures for the low educated were 56.7 and 53.6 per cent, and the figures for the highly educated were 78.1 and 88.4 per cent. According to the report, low-educated foreign-born people in the Nordic countries are less often in work than the low-educated native-born, but Iceland and Finland are exceptions. In Sweden the figures for the low educated were 57.3 and 70.2 per cent.
In 2020 the employment rate of highly educated foreign-born people in Finland was 70.6 per cent among those who had obtained their degree abroad. Among those who had obtained their degree in Finland the employment rate was 77.3 per cent. In the other EU countries combined the figures were 71.4 and 82.9 per cent. According to the report, a degree obtained abroad is valued less than a domestic one in virtually every labour market in the OECD.
Brücker, Capuano and Marfouk 2013: the education of the foreign-born in 20 OECD countries20136 findings
Institute for Employment Research (IAB) and the Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB), IAB Brain Drain Data. Censuses and registers of the destination countries: the foreign-born aged 25 and over by country of birth, sex and education in 20 OECD countries, 1980–2010.
The data cover 195 countries of birth and 20 destination countries: Finland, 14 other European countries, the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Chile. Education is split into three levels: at most lower secondary, upper secondary and tertiary.
In 2010, 817,000 people born in sub-Saharan Africa and aged 25 and over lived in the United States. Of them, 65 per cent had tertiary education, and 10 per cent had at most lower secondary education. In twelve European countries there were 2.1 million of them, and the shares were 37 and 43 per cent. In Finland there were 12,274 of them, and the shares were 19 and 60 per cent.
Of people born in the Middle East and North Africa, 63 per cent had tertiary education in the United States, 27 per cent in the European countries and 18 per cent in Finland. At most lower secondary education was held by 12 per cent in the United States, 56 per cent in the European countries and 54 per cent in Finland.
People born in Asia numbered 8.0 million in the United States and 2.6 million in the European countries. Tertiary education was held by 65 per cent in the United States, 39 per cent in the European countries and 20 per cent in Finland.
People born in Mexico numbered 9.2 million in the United States. Of them, 14 per cent had tertiary education, and 57 per cent had at most lower secondary education. In the European countries there were 26,890 of them, and 62 per cent of them had tertiary education.
According to the methodology report, the 2010 figures were estimated for the countries whose census from around 2010 was not available when the data were compiled. The estimate rests on the latest year available.
Norway
Share in work among immigrants aged 20 to 66 by country of birth · Norway 2025
According to SSB's register-based statistics, 67.5% of immigrants aged 20 to 66 were in work in November 2025, against 79.5% of the rest of the population. Of immigrants born in Somalia 48.8% were in work, of those born in Syria 47.4%, of those born in Poland 73.0% and of those born in Eritrea 74.4%. Of immigrants in work, 74.4% worked full time, against 79.2% of the employed in the rest of the population.
SSB counts as employed anyone who did paid work for at least one hour in the reference week, the week in November that contains the 16th. Also employed are those who have such work but were temporarily absent through sickness, holiday, paid leave or the like. According to SSB the definition follows the ILO's recommendations. Employees and the self-employed are both included, and the data on employees come from employers' monthly reports (a-ordningen).
By SSB's definition, immigrants are people born abroad whose parents and all four grandparents were born abroad. The country is the immigrant's own country of birth. The rest of the population, labelled non-immigrants in the chart, is everyone else, the Norwegian-born children of immigrants included. The shares are of residents aged 20 to 66 registered in Norway.
The figures do not compare directly with the Finnish figures in this section. Statistics Finland determines employment in the last week of the year, and people registered as unemployed jobseekers or doing military or civilian service do not count as employed. In Norway, people doing military or civilian service count as employed. The employment rate of the integration indicators (table 117e) covers people aged 18 to 64 and splits the foreign-born only by continent. The Finnish figures by country (table 115t) are the number in work of all ages relative to the population aged 20 to 64, and they are not employment rates. They also count Finland-born people of foreign background under their background country, whereas the Norwegian figures cover immigrants only.
The figures by country do not separate the grounds of arrival or the time spent in Norway. According to SSB, the Ukrainian refugees who arrived from 2022 onwards affect the figures. Many recently settled refugees take part in the introduction programme (introduksjonsprogrammet) in their first years and are therefore not available for work.
SSB counts as full time a combined position of 100 per cent or more across the main job and any second jobs.
Statistics Norway (2026) – Immigrants' employment in Norway by country of birth20267 findings
SSB's register-based employment statistics, all residents aged 20 to 66 registered in Norway, 4th quarter 2025 (the reference week in November). In work were 545,068 immigrants and 2,084,190 people in the rest of the population.
SSB's article (Malin Pettersen, updated 30 April 2026) updates chapter 5 of the publication Innvandrere i Norge 2023. The figures come from the register-based employment statistics, in which the employed are employees and the self-employed who did paid work for at least one hour in the reference week in November or were temporarily away from work.
In November 2025, 545,068 immigrants were in work, 67.5% of immigrants aged 20 to 66. Of the rest of the population 79.5% were in work. Of immigrants in work 74.4% worked full time, and of the employed in the rest of the population 79.2%.
Of immigrant men 69.8% were in work, and of immigrant women 65.1%. Of men in the rest of the population 81.6% were in work, and of women 77.3%. Of immigrant men in work 83.2% worked full time, and of immigrant women in work 64.4%.
Of immigrants born in the other Nordic countries 79.3% were in work, of those born in the countries that joined the EU after 2004 73.0%, of those born in Asia 64.3% and of those born in Africa 62.3%.
Of immigrants born in Syria 47% were in work and of those born in Somalia 49%, and 59% of the employed in each group worked full time. Of those born in India 74% were in work, and 87% of their employed worked full time. Of those born in Eritrea, Thailand and the Philippines 74, 77 and 82% were in work, and 63 to 64% of their employed worked full time.
Of immigrants in work, 25% worked in sales and service occupations and 12% as cleaners. In the rest of the population the shares were 17% and 2%.
The figures do not compare directly with Finland's register-based employment figures. Statistics Finland measures employment in the last week of the year, the age limits differ, and Finland's figures by country also cover Finland-born people of foreign background.
Germany
Share in paid employment among people who sought protection in Germany in 2015, by years since arrival · aged 18 to 64
The chart follows one group, people who sought protection in Germany in 2015, for nine years from their arrival. In the first year 6 per cent were in paid employment, and in the ninth year, 2024, 64 per cent were. The corresponding share for the whole population was 70 per cent in the last quarter of 2024. In the ninth year 76 per cent of the men and 35 per cent of the women were in paid employment, against 72 and 69 per cent in the whole population.
% of people aged 18 to 64
MenAllWomen
What the figures measure
The figure is the share of all members of the group aged 18 to 64 who are in paid employment. The register covers employees only, so the self-employed and civil servants are not in the figures. According to the survey about 5 per cent of the group were self-employed in 2023, and according to the IAB the share of all in work was about 70 per cent.
Following the definition of the Federal Statistical Office, people who sought protection are all who have sought protection in Germany whatever their residence status: those awaiting a decision, those granted protection and those refused, as well as people admitted without an individual asylum procedure.
The figures cover survey respondents who agreed to have their answers linked to register data. Their employment history stays visible in the register after they stop answering the survey. There are 36,398 person-year observations, and the source's figure shows 95 per cent confidence intervals.
The values were read from the data labels of the IAB's figure A1 and are whole numbers. The arrival year's point sits at zero in the figure without a data label, so the chart starts from the first year.
The ninth year is 2024. The register data run mostly to the last quarter of 2024 and the latest survey wave to the second half of 2023.
The Federal Employment Agency's Migrationsmonitor: share in employment subject to social insurance, by citizenship20265 findings
Statistik der Bundesagentur für Arbeit, Migrationsmonitor, Deutschland und Länder (Monatszahlen). Germany edition, reporting month September 2026, compiled on 1 October 2026: table 1.3 and the methodological notes. The employment figures are for July 2026. The BA replaces the file with a new one every month.
In July 2026, 64.2 per cent of German citizens and 53.1 per cent of foreign citizens aged 15 to 64 were in paid employment subject to social insurance. Among Syrian citizens the share was 42.4 per cent, among Afghan citizens 42.2, among Iraqi citizens 43.7, among Somali citizens 39.7 and among Ukrainian citizens 34.6 per cent. Among Turkish citizens it was 49.5 per cent and among citizens of EU countries 58.9 per cent.
When people whose only job is a mini-job (ausschließlich geringfügig beschäftigt) are included, the share was 69.6 per cent for German citizens, 58.8 for foreign citizens, 49.9 for Syrian citizens, 49.1 for Afghan citizens and 39.9 for Ukrainian citizens.
Employment subject to social insurance excludes civil servants, the self-employed, contributing family members and professional and fixed-term soldiers. The denominator for foreign citizens is people aged 15 to 64 in the Central Register of Foreigners, and for German citizens people of the same age in the population statistics. According to the BA, the register's figures are clearly higher than the population statistics, so the shares for foreign citizens are lower for that reason. The latest months are provisional, because employment in them is estimated.
According to the BA's methodological note (June 2022), asylum seekers and tolerated persons may not work in their first three to six months, and for those from safe countries of origin the ban is permanent. According to the BA the share can therefore fall when many new asylum seekers join the group, and the fall then does not mean that employment has worsened.
The BA's shares cover all residents of a citizenship whatever their time in the country, both recent arrivals and long-term residents, and naturalised people count as German citizens. The IAB figures in the chart above cover only those who arrived in 2015, and they also include paid employment not subject to social insurance.
IAB 2025: employment, earnings and basic income support of people who sought protection in Germany in 201520256 findings
Herbert Brücker, Philipp Jaschke and Yuliya Kosyakova: 10 Jahre Fluchtmigration 2015. Haben wir es geschafft? Eine Analyse aus Sicht des Arbeitsmarktes. IAB-Kurzbericht 17/2025, Institut für Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung (the Federal Employment Agency's research institute), 25 August 2025. Data: the IAB-BAMF-SOEP survey of refugees linked to the agency's registers.
Of the people aged 18 to 64 who sought protection in Germany in 2015, 64 per cent were in paid employment nine years after arrival, in 2024. The corresponding share for the whole population was 70 per cent in the last quarter of 2024. Of those in paid employment, 90 per cent were in employment subject to social insurance, against 92 per cent in the whole population.
Of the men 76 per cent were in paid employment and of the women 35 per cent. In the whole population the shares were 72 per cent for men and 69 per cent for women. Women made up 29 per cent of the group's working-age members. Of the women in work, 66 per cent worked part time, against 49 per cent of women in work in the whole population. The share in paid employment was 19 percentage points higher among women without children than among women with at least one child under six.
Of those over 50, 45 per cent were in paid employment. Among the other age groups there was no statistically significant difference in 2024.
The median monthly earnings of those in full-time work rose from €1,398 in the first year to €2,675 in 2023. That was 70 per cent of the median for all full-time employees in Germany, and the low-pay threshold is 66 per cent. The median earnings of women in full-time work were 77 per cent of the men's.
In 2023, 34 per cent of the group aged 18 to 64 lived in a household receiving SGB II support. At the same stage, 8 to 9 years after arrival, the share was 54 per cent for women and 26 per cent for men. In the second year after arrival the share had been 62 per cent. Of those in paid employment, 84 per cent got by without supplementary basic income support in 2023. Asylum seekers' benefits (Asylbewerberleistungsgesetz) are not in the register and therefore not in the figures.
Finland's corresponding data are in the section on employment by grounds for arrival, where a study by the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment (TEM 2024:9) follows people granted a residence permit. Both data sets follow the same people year by year through register data, but the definitions differ. The Finnish study counts as employed anyone who had earnings during the year, while the IAB counts those in paid employment. The Finnish protection group holds only people granted a residence permit on protection grounds, while the IAB's group also holds those refused and those awaiting a decision. In Finland the years are counted from the permit and in Germany from arrival. The Finnish study covers people granted a permit at ages 18 to 59, while the IAB figures cover people aged 18 to 64 in each year. The Finnish comparison group is the Finnish-background population in the same data, while the IAB's comparison figure is the whole population.
Austria
Statistics Austria publishes an annual statistical yearbook on migration and integration. Its employment figures come from the Labour Force Survey and break the population of migration background down by origin and sex. In Austrian statistics, people of migration background are those whose parents were both born abroad.
Employment rate by origin and sex, aged 15 to 64 · Austria 2025
According to Statistics Austria's Labour Force Survey, 68.9% of people of migration background aged 15 to 64 were in work in 2025, against 76.9% of those without a migration background. The lowest employment rate was among people of Afghan, Syrian or Iraqi background, 50.6%. Of the men in this group 64.6% were in work, and of the women 28.9%. Of people of Turkish background 66.4% were in work, and of women of Turkish background 57.5%. The highest rate, 78.2%, was among people whose origin is in a country that joined the EU before 2004, an EFTA country or the United Kingdom.
% of people aged 15 to 64
AllMenWomen
Details
The figures come from the Labour Force Survey, a sample survey of private households. Following the ILO definition, Statistics Austria counts as employed anyone who worked for at least one hour in the reference week as an employee, self-employed person or contributing family member. Those temporarily absent from their work are also employed. The employment rate is the average over all weeks of the year.
People of migration background are those whose parents were both born abroad, whatever their citizenship. They include both the foreign-born, the first generation, and the Austria-born, the second generation. In 2025, 74.5% of people of migration background belonged to the first generation. Of those without a migration background, at least one parent was born in Austria.
People living in institutions are not in the figures, because the survey covers private households only. According to the yearbook, institutions include initial reception centres for asylum seekers, prisons, monasteries and boarding schools. Conscripts and civilian servants are also left out.
In the yearbook, third countries are all countries other than the EU and EFTA countries and the United Kingdom. The former Yugoslavia group covers Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. According to the yearbook, Afghanistan, Syria and Iraq were the three main countries of origin of asylum applications in 2015, and their citizens lodged 72% of Austria's applications that year.
The groups do not separate the grounds of arrival or the time spent in Austria. The figures are sample estimates, so the figures for small groups carry sampling error.
The figures do not compare directly with the Finnish figures in this section. The Finnish figures are register-based: Statistics Finland determines employment in the last week of the year, and people registered as unemployed jobseekers do not count as employed. The employment rate of the integration indicators (table 117e) covers people aged 18 to 64 and splits the foreign-born by continent. The Finnish figures by country (table 115t) are the number in work of all ages relative to the population aged 20 to 64, and they are not employment rates. Like the Austrian figures, table 115t counts the second generation born in the country under the background country. Statistics Finland counts as of foreign background those whose parents, or whose only known parent, were born abroad.
Statistics Austria (2026) – Employment of people of migration background in Austria by origin and sex20266 findings
Statistics Austria and the Federal Chancellery's integration division: Statistisches Jahrbuch Migration & Integration 2026, presented on 11 September 2026. The employment figures come from Austria's Labour Force Survey (Mikrozensus-Arbeitskräfteerhebung): people aged 15 to 64 in private households, conscripts and civilian servants excluded, average for 2025.
In 2025, 69% of people of migration background aged 15 to 64 were in work, against 77% of those without a migration background. According to Statistics Austria the gap was about eight percentage points. The employment rate of the whole population aged 15 to 64 was 74.3%.
Of women of migration background 64% were in work, against 75% of other women. Among men the shares were 74 and 79%. Of women of Afghan, Syrian or Iraqi background 29% were in work. Of women of Turkish background 57% were in work, and of women whose origin is in another third country 59%.
The employment rate of people of Afghan, Syrian or Iraqi background was 51%, and it rose after the fall in 2024. The employment rate of people of Turkish background rose by 2.3 percentage points from the previous year. The rate of people of former Yugoslav background fell by 2.3 percentage points, and that of people whose origin is in a country that joined the EU in 2007 or later by 1.9 percentage points.
Under the age of 55, a clearly smaller share of people of migration background were in work than of people of the same age without a migration background. The gap was smallest among those aged 55 to 64 and 15 to 24. Of people of Turkish background aged 55 to 64, 49% were in work.
In the yearbook's EU comparison, 62% of citizens of non-EU countries aged 15 to 64 were in work in Austria, which matched the EU average. In Sweden and the Netherlands the share was 63%, in Italy 62%, in Spain 61% and in Germany 60%. The highest share was in Slovakia, 80%. This comparison is based on citizenship, not migration background.
The figures do not compare directly with Finland's register-based employment figures. The Austrian figures come from a sample survey, the age range is 15 to 64, and people of migration background include the second generation born in Austria.
Netherlands
Statistics Netherlands (CBS) reports on integration in its report Integratie en samenleven. The report's employment figures come from the Labour Force Survey and split the foreign-born and the second generation by the largest origin groups. Figures by country of birth are in the CBS database and are based on registers.
Share in work among the foreign-born aged 15 to 74 by country of birth · Netherlands 2024
According to CBS's register-based statistics, 63% of the foreign-born aged 15 to 74 were in work in 2024. Of people born in the Netherlands whose parents were both born there 74% were in work, and of the whole population 72%. Of those born in Syria 42% were in work, of those born in Morocco 47%, of those born in Somalia 50% and of those born in Türkiye 53%. Of those born in Poland 80% were in work, and of those born in India 78%.
The figures come from CBS's register data (Stelsel van Sociaal-statistische Bestanden). Employed is anyone with income from work as an employee or self-employed person during the month. The figure for the year is the average of the months. CBS publishes the shares as whole numbers, and the figures for 2024 are provisional.
The shares are of residents of the Netherlands aged 15 to 74, the institutional population excluded. By CBS's definition, institutions include care homes, prisons, barracks and reception centres for asylum seekers, so people living in reception centres are not in the figures.
The country is the foreign-born person's own country of birth. The foreign-born also include those with at least one parent born in the Netherlands. People of Dutch background are those born in the Netherlands whose parents were both born there. The chart shows the ten largest country-of-birth groups and those refugee countries of CBS's integration report (Afghanistan, Eritrea, Iraq, Iran, Somalia and Syria) that are not among the ten largest. Curaçao is part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The age range includes people of pensionable age, so a group's age structure affects its share. According to the CBS report, the differences between origin groups narrow somewhat when sex, age and level of education are taken into account. The figures do not separate the grounds of arrival or the time spent in the country.
The register figures are lower than the figures of CBS's Labour Force Survey. According to the survey, 66.8% of the foreign-born were in work in 2024, and according to the register 63%. In 2023 the survey put the share in work at 59.0% of those born in Türkiye and 58.3% of those born in Morocco, and the register at 53% and 47%.
The figures do not compare directly with the Finnish figures in this section. Statistics Finland determines employment in the last week of the year, and people registered as unemployed jobseekers do not count as employed. The CBS register figure is the average of all months of the year, and the age range is 15 to 74. The employment rate of the integration indicators (table 117e) covers people aged 18 to 64 and splits the foreign-born by continent. The Finnish figures by country (table 115t) are the number in work of all ages relative to the population aged 20 to 64, and they count Finland-born people of foreign background under their background country. The Dutch chart covers the foreign-born only.
Statistics Netherlands (2024) – Employment of the foreign-born and the second generation in the Netherlands20247 findings
CBS, Rapportage Integratie en Samenleven 2024, published on 22 November 2024, section 4.2 Arbeid. The employment figures come from the Labour Force Survey (Enquête Beroepsbevolking): residents of the Netherlands aged 15 to 74, the institutional population excluded, year 2023 (provisional). More recent survey figures are in StatLine table 85456NED (updated 13 August 2026).
In 2023, according to the Labour Force Survey, 66% of the foreign-born aged 15 to 74 were in work, against 73% of the whole population. Of people born in the Netherlands with at least one parent born abroad, 75% were in work. According to CBS this reflects the second generation being younger on average, with fewer older people.
Of foreign-born men 72% were in work and of foreign-born women 61%, against 77 and 69% in the whole population. According to CBS the gap between the sexes was widest among those born in Türkiye and Morocco. In both groups 67.7% of the men were in work. Of women born in Türkiye 48.3% were in work, and of women born in Morocco 48.5%.
Of those born in the new EU countries 82.7% were in work, of those born in Türkiye 59.0%, of those born in Suriname 58.7% and of those born in Morocco 58.3%. The report combines the other non-European countries of birth, the refugee countries and Indonesia among them, into one group. Of this group 62.8% were in work.
Of the whole population 67% were in work in 2013 and 73% in 2023. According to CBS the share of the foreign-born rose by about as much, but in some groups it fell in the pandemic years 2020 and 2021.
According to CBS, the differences between origin groups narrow somewhat when sex, age and level of education are taken into account. According to CBS these factors nevertheless explain only a small part of the differences.
The latest Labour Force Survey figures are for 2025. Of the foreign-born 66.7% were in work, and of the whole population 73.2%. Among foreign-born men the share was 72.1%, and among foreign-born women 61.8%. Of people born in the Netherlands whose parents were both born there, 74.5% were in work.
The figures do not compare directly with Finland's register-based employment figures. The Labour Force Survey is a sample survey, the age range is 15 to 74, and the report's comparison group is the whole population.
Denmark
Statistics Denmark publishes an annual report on immigrants and their descendants. The report's employment figures come from the register-based labour force statistics and separate immigrants from Western countries, immigrants from non-Western countries and people of Danish origin.
Employment rate by origin and sex, aged 16 to 64 · Denmark 2008–2024
According to Statistics Denmark, 70.8% of men and 60.7% of women aged 16 to 64 who immigrated from non-Western countries were in work at the end of November 2024. In 2015 the shares were 52.7 and 45.2%. Of men of Danish origin 81.1% were in work and of women 78.3%, against 76.6 and 73.4% in 2015. Between 2008 and 2015 the employment rate of immigrants from non-Western countries fell.
% of people aged 16 to 64
Danish-origin menDanish-origin womenImmigrant men from non-Western countriesImmigrant women from non-Western countries
Details
The figures come from Statistics Denmark's register-based labour force statistics (RAS). Employed are those who worked for at least one hour in the last week of November and were in work on the last working day of November. Those temporarily absent from their work are also employed. Employees, the self-employed and assisting spouses are included. Paid subsidised work counts as work, and unpaid work practice (virksomhedspraktik) does not.
Immigrants are people born abroad neither of whose parents is both a Danish citizen and born in Denmark. People of Danish origin have at least one parent who is both a Danish citizen and born in Denmark, whatever their own country of birth. The chart leaves out the Denmark-born descendants of immigrants and the immigrants from Western countries.
Western countries are the EU countries, Andorra, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Monaco, Norway, San Marino, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, Vatican City, Canada, the United States, Australia and New Zealand. All other countries are non-Western.
Statistics Denmark moved the statistics to a new data basis in 2015 and recalculated the series back to 2008. According to Statistics Denmark the series is therefore fully comparable from 2008.
According to Statistics Denmark, a large inflow to the group of people who cannot enter the labour market straight away can depress the group's employment rate for a time. According to Statistics Denmark this happened in 1990–1995 but not in 2015–2024, when the employment rate rose.
The figures are not age-standardised. Statistics Denmark's age-standardised figures are in the source box below.
The figures do not compare directly with the Finnish figures in this section. Both countries measure employment from registers at a single point in time, Denmark at the end of November and Finland in the last week of the year. In the Danish statistics employment takes precedence over unemployment, following the ILO's recommendations, whereas in Finland a person registered as an unemployed jobseeker does not count as employed. The employment rate of the integration indicators (table 117e) covers people aged 18 to 64 and splits the foreign-born by continent.
Show the figures
Year
Danish-origin men (% of people aged 16 to 64)
Danish-origin women (% of people aged 16 to 64)
Immigrant men from non-Western countries (% of people aged 16 to 64)
Immigrant women from non-Western countries (% of people aged 16 to 64)
Employment rate among immigrants aged 30 to 64 by country of origin · Denmark 2024
Statistics Denmark limits the figures by country to people aged 30 to 64, so that young people studying in Denmark temporarily do not affect them. Of the thirty largest immigrant groups, the highest employment rate was among immigrants of Dutch origin, 82%, against 83% among people of Danish origin. The lowest rates were among immigrants of Lebanese origin, 45%, of Somali origin, 50%, and of Iraqi origin, 53%. Of men of Syrian origin 70% were in work, and of women of Syrian origin 41%.
Employment is defined as in the chart above. The table covers the 30 countries of origin with the most immigrants at the end of November 2024.
Statistics Denmark sets an immigrant's country of origin by the mother's country of birth when both parents are known. If the mother was born in Denmark, the country of origin is the country of citizenship. When the parents are not known, the country of origin is taken to be the immigrant's own country of birth. Statistics Finland likewise sets the background country primarily by the mother's country of birth.
The Yugoslavia row covers those whose country of origin is recorded as Yugoslavia before its break-up. According to Statistics Denmark, some of the immigrants of Lebanese origin are stateless Palestinians.
The figures do not separate the grounds of arrival or the time spent in Denmark.
The figures do not compare directly with the Finnish figures in this section. The Finnish figures by country (table 115t) are the number in work of all ages relative to the population aged 20 to 64, and they are not employment rates. They count Finland-born people of foreign background under their background country, whereas the Danish table covers immigrants only.
Statistics Denmark (2025) – Employment of immigrants and their descendants in Denmark20256 findings
Statistics Denmark, Indvandrere i Danmark 2025, published on 15 December 2025, chapter 2 Arbejdsmarked, and the press release Beskæftigelsen stiger fortsat blandt indvandrere fra ikke-vestlige lande (15 December 2025). Data: the register-based labour force statistics (RAS), all residents of Denmark, status at the end of November 2024.
In 2024, 81% of men and 78% of women of Danish origin aged 16 to 64 were in work. Of immigrant men from Western countries 74% were in work and of immigrant women 69%, and of immigrant men from non-Western countries 71% and of immigrant women 61%. In 2015 the shares for immigrants from non-Western countries were 53 and 45%, and for people of Danish origin 77 and 73%.
Between 1994 and 2024 the gap between immigrants from non-Western countries and people of Danish origin narrowed from 39 to 10 percentage points among men and from 42 to 18 percentage points among women. Over the same period the employment rate of immigrant women from non-Western countries rose from 27% to 61%.
Statistics Denmark's age-standardised employment index compares a group with people of Danish origin of the same sex, whose level is 100. In 2024 the index was 85 for immigrant men and 75 for immigrant women from non-Western countries, and 90 for immigrant men and 86 for immigrant women from Western countries. For the Denmark-born descendants of immigrants from non-Western countries, the index was 89 for men and 93 for women.
Statistics Denmark leaves the employment rate of descendants aged 16 to 64 out of its tables, because most descendants aged 16 to 64 are under 40. According to Statistics Denmark the figure would therefore not compare directly with those of the other groups.
Of the thirty largest groups of immigrants aged 30 to 64, the highest employment rates were among immigrants of Dutch origin, 82%, of Lithuanian origin, 81%, and of Philippine and Thai origin, 80%. The lowest were among immigrants of Iraqi, Somali and Lebanese origin, 53, 50 and 45%. Among immigrants of Syrian, Pakistani and Indian origin the men's employment rate was at least 25 percentage points higher than the women's. Among immigrants of Thai and Norwegian origin the women's employment rate was higher than the men's.
The figures do not compare directly with Finland's register-based employment figures. Denmark measures employment at the end of November and Finland in the last week of the year, and the age limits differ.
The pay gap and the occupational structure
The pay gap between foreign-background and Finnish-background employees is clear overall but small within the same occupation group.
The median hourly wage was EUR 16.75 for foreign-background employees and EUR 19.61 for Finnish-background employees in 2022, 14.6 per cent lower. Within an occupation group the difference is small and in places reversed: among managers the foreign-background earned 8.3 per cent more (EUR 47.07 against 43.46), among specialists 3.7 per cent more, and among professionals pay was about equal. Among service and sales workers the gap was 3.4 per cent in favour of the Finnish-background. The overall gap therefore comes mostly from which occupations the groups work in, not from pay for the same work.
Labour exploitation
In labour exploitation an employer takes advantage of a worker's weak position, for example by underpaying or by imposing excessively long working days. In Finland its victims are most often foreign workers. The statistics, however, describe both what happens and what the authorities detect. The number of recorded offences and inspection findings depends on how much the police and the labour inspectorate supervise, and according to researchers many cases stay hidden. The statistics do not give the background of the offenders, and in the research material the exploiters have been employers of both Finnish and foreign background.
According to a review by HEUNI, the European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control affiliated with the United Nations, vulnerable foreign-background workers who do not know their rights are exploited in Finland through underpayment, excessively long working days, threats and control. The review brings together earlier research and 40 court judgments on labour trafficking from 2004–2020. According to the authors trafficking is a hidden crime, and much of it probably never reaches the statistics. In their view Finland is in many ways better able than the other Nordic countries to tackle labour trafficking and support its victims, but pre-trial investigation and criminal liability still fall short. HEUNI's first study of the subject in Finland (Jokinen, Ollus & Viuhko 2011) found the most serious cases in the restaurant, construction and horticulture sectors. In its material the exploiters were both of Finnish origin and of foreign background.
In 2025 the labour inspectorate made 1,817 inspections of companies using foreign labour, most of them in accommodation and food service and in construction. In about one in ten inspections that checked the right to work, at least one foreign worker was found who had no right to do that work. Shortcomings in pay were found in about 40 per cent of the inspections that assessed it. The inspectorate made 188 reports to the police. Of these, 10 concerned labour exploitation offences, and the rest concerned unauthorised foreign labour, employer offences under the Aliens Act and employers' failure to give the required notifications. In trafficking cases the inspectorate gave 22 opinions to the police or statements to the prosecutor. Inspection is targeted at companies where shortcomings are likely, so according to the report the results do not describe the work of foreigners in Finland in general.
According to the assistance system's statistics, 141 people became victims of trafficking in Finland in 2025. Of the 149 trafficking events they were subjected to, 101 or 68 per cent were forced labour, most often in forestry and timber harvesting, catering, agriculture and horticulture, and construction. In 2024 there were 54 victims of forced labour in Finland. Of the people exploited in Finland, 42 per cent were Nepalese and 12 per cent Finnish citizens. Of them, 68 per cent were in the country lawfully, most often on a seasonal work permit. The figures cover the system's clients, not every victim. According to the system's review of 2024, the large criminal cases in the berry sector raised its application numbers in 2022 and 2023.
The authorities recorded 17 offences of extortionate work discrimination in 2015, 143 in 2023 and 93 in 2025. Trafficking and aggravated trafficking together were recorded 30 times in 2015, 152 times in 2023 and 115 times in 2025. Offences by employers under the Aliens Act were recorded 142–282 times a year over 2015–2025. The figures count offences rather than cases or victims, so one large investigation can raise a year's figure a great deal. The trafficking offences also cover sexual exploitation and forced marriage, and the table does not separate labour trafficking. The table does not give the background of the offender or of the victim. How many offences are recorded also depends on how actively the police and the labour inspectorate look for them.
The employed by background country and sex
In 2023 the number in work relative to the population aged 20–64 was 79% among people of Finnish background and 84% among people of Philippine background, against 46% for the Afghan, 42% for the Iraqi and 29% for the Syrian background. It is not an employment rate, because the employed include people of all ages. The figures are by background country and do not separate the grounds a person arrived on, so the same group holds both work-based and protection-based arrivals. The gap between the sexes is wide in many groups: among people of Afghan background the figure was 57% for men and 30% for women. The largest gaps concern women with a background in Muslim-majority countries, whereas women of Philippine or Thai background, for example, are employed at the same rate as men.
The figures in this section and its chart are employed persons relative to the population aged 20–64, by background country and sex (tables 115t and 11rs). They are not official employment rates, because the employed include people of all ages. Comparison across groups is still meaningful, as the same definition applies to every background country.
The labour shortage and the grounds for arrival
The employment figures sit in tension with the labour-shortage argument. Work-based and humanitarian migration are different things, and the difference shows up precisely in employment: people from the large refugee source countries are employed well below the native rate, while those who arrived on a work permit reach it and in the early years exceed it. At the same time Finland has about 297,000 unemployed. Immigration does not fix the problems of domestic education and sectoral workforce planning, and it can also mask them in a way that leaves them unfixed.
Työ- ja elinkeinoministeriö (TEM 2024:9) · Pesola, Sarvimäki & Virkola2024
Summary
The study links the Finnish Immigration Service's residence-permit decisions for 2011–2021 to Statistics Finland's registers, so it can follow employment by the grounds on which a person arrived. That answers directly whether work-based migrants are employed as well as the native population. They are, and at first better: in the early years of residence, employment and earnings among work-permit holders are higher than among Finns of the same age and sex, though the difference disappears fairly soon. After ten years the employment rate is about 80% for work-permit holders and EU citizens, about 70% for those who came on family or study grounds, and about 60% for those granted international protection. The study counts as employed anyone with earnings during the year, so its figures run higher than the employment rate in the employment statistics: on the same measure the Finnish-background average is 83–84 per cent. Earnings diverge more than employment does: at the ten-year mark work-permit holders sit slightly below their native counterparts, EU citizens and former students reach a little over 80% of native earnings, while protection and family arrivals remain below half. Two numbers are worth reading separately. The first is the starting point: at the end of the first year of residence only one in ten of those who arrived on protection or family-reunification grounds was in work, and protection arrivals earned 3% of Finnish-background earnings in their first full year in the country. The second is the closing of the gap: after ten years the difference in employment between work-permit and protection arrivals is down to 20 percentage points, against more than 80 in the first year. The groups converge from both directions, because work-permit holders' employment also declines over the decade. The authors' own most surprising result is that people who arrived to study do not reach the income level of Finnish-background people of the same age, even though they study mostly at universities and live in the country's most prosperous regions.
Emigration is dealt with in the study and does not explain the differences. Within ten years 24% of study-permit arrivals leave the country, 19% of work-permit arrivals, 12% of family-reunification arrivals and 8% of those granted protection. In other words, the groups with the best figures are the ones that shed the most people. The authors tested this by repeating the calculation on those who stayed for the whole period, and the results were very similar. What does belong with the figures is that the ground is the one a person first arrived on: a student may move to a work permit and a work-permit holder to permanent residence, so the groups are not the same people in the same positions a decade later. The data also misses 15% of permit holders who have no personal identity code in the registers, and the gap is largest precisely among study and work permits.
Work-based applications fell 25% and study-based applications 4% in 2025 from the year before, attributed to Finland's weak economy. The largest applicant countries were India, the Philippines, China, Vietnam and Thailand. About 180,000 applications were received in total, and 80% were approved.
According to an Etla report, the shrinking working-age population and public finances would require annual net migration of about 44,000, roughly a quarter more than the 2025 outcome of 34,852. The report names high taxation, negative attitudes and international competition for skilled workers as obstacles. The economic effects of work-based immigration arrive faster than those of humanitarian migration.
Discrimination is real, but it does not explain the employment gap on its own
Three explanations are offered for the employment gap: discrimination, the level of benefits, and differences in skills. Discrimination has been measured. In a field experiment where identical CVs were sent to a thousand vacancies with only the applicant's name changed, a Somali name had to send 3.9 times and an Iraqi name 2.9 times as many applications as a Finnish one to win the same number of callbacks, and every applicant was presented as educated in Finland. It is not sufficient on its own, though: measured discrimination does not order countries the way employment gaps do. France records the sharpest hiring discrimination in Europe, yet the OECD puts its employment gap between the foreign-born and the native-born at 7 percentage points against 16 in the Netherlands. Moreover, name-based discrimination does not fall on women in particular, although the employment gap is widest precisely among women.
A meta-analysis of 97 field experiments and over 200,000 applications across nine countries. Discrimination was found everywhere, but its level varies: in France and Sweden a minority applicant has to send 70–94% more applications than a native one, in Germany and the United States 25–40% more. The ordering does not match the employment gaps: in the OECD's Settling In 2023 the gap between the foreign-born and the native-born is 7 percentage points in France and 16 in the Netherlands. The authors themselves note that the results contradict several established macro-level explanations.
A field experiment in which five equivalent applications were sent to each of a thousand vacancies, the only difference being the applicant's name. Winning the same number of callbacks as a Finnish name required 1.45 times as many applications for an English name, 1.71 for a Russian, 2.91 for an Iraqi and 3.94 for a Somali one. For men of Somali background the multiplier was 4.97. Every applicant was presented as educated in Finland, so language or the origin of the qualification does not explain the difference. The experiment measures the first step of hiring, not what happens after a job is obtained.
45 % of respondents had experienced racial discrimination within five years, against 39 % in the 2016 survey. The highest figures were in Germany (76 %), Austria (72 %) and Finland (63 %). Germany and Austria measure as low-discrimination countries in hiring experiments, so perceived discrimination and measured employer behaviour do not always put countries in the same order. In Finland they coincide, as a Finnish CV experiment also measured clear discrimination.
Differences between systems explain the countries' employment gaps better
In early 2024, 57% of the people who had fled Ukraine were in work in Lithuania and about 27% in Germany, though they had fled the same war. When Denmark cut benefits for newly arrived refugees by about 40% in 2002, employment rose from 10% to 19% within a year. It came at a price: the effect faded in about five years, and poverty and subsistence crime rose alongside it.
IAB compared the employment of people who fled Ukraine across 26 European countries from late 2022 to early 2024. In the first quarter of 2024 the share of the working-age refugees in work was 57% in Lithuania, 53% in Denmark, 48% in Poland, about 27% in Germany, 18% in Finland and 7% in Romania. In the United Kingdom it was 56% in the latest figure, for the third quarter of 2023. According to the report the differences are associated both with who arrived, such as age and number of children, and with conditions in the destination country. The analysis is descriptive and does not establish cause. Employment was higher where there is plenty of low-skilled work, good access to childcare and healthcare, an existing Ukrainian community and good English in the population. It was lower where the labour market is tightly regulated or unemployment is rising. The link between benefit levels and employment was small and not statistically significant. Extensive language and integration courses lowered employment in the short run. Germany emphasises them, and IAB says the experience of earlier refugee groups suggests the approach raises employment in the longer run. Most arrivals are women with children.
American Economic Journal: Economic Policy · Dustmann ym.2024
Summary
In July 2002 Denmark cut social assistance for newly arrived refugees by about 40%, leaving earlier arrivals at the old level. The design separates the benefit level from everything else, because the country, the labour market and the employers were the same. Employment rose from 10% to 19% in the first year, but the effects on earnings and employment faded after about five years. Poverty rose at the same time, and subsistence crime, mainly shoplifting, increased over the first five years by 5 percentage points among adults and 12 among adolescents. The cut was repealed a decade later.
The gap arises above all from women
The employment shortfall of people who moved from outside the EU arises primarily from women. That bounds how much employer prejudice can explain. In the Finnish field experiment name-based discrimination hit men harder than women: a man with a Somali name had to send 4.97 times as many applications, against 3.94 for Somali names on average. Discrimination therefore does not explain why the gap is widest among women. The same pattern shows in this section's own figures for Finland, and one proposed explanation is incentive traps, whose figures cover the whole population.
An unemployment trap is defined as a participation tax rate above 80 %, and an income trap as an effective marginal tax rate above 70–80 %. The highest rates fall on single parents, on families with children where one or both parents are unemployed, and on people living alone. The effect comes from unemployment benefits, general housing allowance, daycare fees and the marginal tax rate acting together. The figures cover the whole population rather than immigrants separately. The mechanism reaches immigrant families more often than average because those families are larger and have lower incomes, not because the rules differ for them.
In the EU, people who moved from another EU country are employed more often than natives and people from outside the EU less often, but the gap arises primarily from women. In Poland, Czechia and Italy, non-EU immigrant men are employed more often than native men. The largest gaps are in the Netherlands, Switzerland, Norway, Sweden and Belgium, countries with comprehensive benefits and a high wage floor.
Entrepreneurship
Immigrants are entrepreneurs more often than the majority population. In 2024, 12.7 per cent of the foreign-born in work were entrepreneurs, against 9.8 per cent of the majority. The largest numbers come from Russia and Estonia, but entrepreneurship is most common among people from Turkey: 29 per cent of those in work were entrepreneurs in 2022. Among people from Nigeria and Iraq it was one in five.
Immigrants' firms are smaller than majority firms, though. In 2021 they made up a tenth of all entrepreneurs' firms but had 7 per cent of the staff and 5 per cent of the turnover. Together they employed about 27,000 people. Before the pandemic their micro and small firms created more new jobs relative to their size than majority firms of the same size. The firms are concentrated in sectors where growth and productivity are typically low. The most common are restaurants, construction, taxis and cleaning. One sector runs the other way: in 2021 nearly a third of the entrepreneurs in scientific research and development were immigrants.
The growth in entrepreneurship since 2018 has come from men, and much of it is platform work. 10 per cent of people of foreign background had done platform work in the past year, against 3 per cent of people of Finnish background. In postal and courier services, which include food delivery, 60 per cent of entrepreneurs' firms belonged to immigrants in 2021. One in five men from Africa in work was an entrepreneur in 2024, against under four per cent of women. A growing number of immigrant entrepreneurs earn no business income at all but a wage instead, which points to umbrella-company self-employment. Such an entrepreneur employs no one else, so part of the high entrepreneurship rate reflects the platform economy rather than business activity.
Tilastokeskus, Tieto&trendit · Anna Pärnänen2023-06-29
Summary
According to the 2022 labour force survey, 10 per cent of people of foreign background and 3 per cent of people of Finnish background had done platform work in the previous year. Courier services, and to a large extent taxi services, rely largely on workers of foreign background.
Register-based entrepreneurs as a share of the employed by origin, region of background and sex, 1995–2024. The majority here means people of Finnish background and people of foreign background born in Finland. In 2024, 21.0 per cent of men and 3.5 per cent of women from Africa in work were entrepreneurs.
Pellervon taloustutkimus PTT (PTT Raportteja 296) · Busk & Alasalmi2025-01-29
Summary
A register study of immigrants' entrepreneurship and firms in 2010–2022. Immigrant means a person of foreign background born abroad, and the comparison group is the majority population. The firm figures cover firms with employees and exclude sole traders, jointly owned firms and primary production. A little over 70 per cent of immigrant entrepreneurs could be linked to a firm, so the figures are on the low side. The 2021 staff figure is not fully comparable with earlier years because the business register changed its method. The study was funded by the Federation of Finnish Enterprises, the Finnish Business School Graduates, the Academic Engineers and Architects, the Finnish Pension Alliance Tela and the Union of Professional Engineers.
Employment by grounds for arrivalEconomySocial cohesion
Key figures
Those who arrive on a work permit are over 80% employed in their first year. Among people granted international protection the rate starts near 10% and is about 60% after ten years (register data 2011–2021).
Of arrivals from the Philippines, 53% got their residence permit on work grounds and 84% are employed. Of those from Syria, 1.7% came on a work permit and 29% are employed (permits 2015–2025, employment 2023).
Immigrants' employment is usually discussed as a single figure or by country of origin, but the grounds a person arrived on explain it better than almost any other single factor. After ten years the employment rate is about 80% for work-permit holders and EU citizens, about 70% for those who came on family or study grounds, and about 60% for those granted international protection. The figures come from a register study by the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment, summarised in Employment by background country.
At country level, the work-permit share of arrivals and the group's employment put the countries in nearly the same order. Of arrivals from the Philippines 53% came on a work permit, and the number in work relative to the Philippine-background population aged 20–64 is 84%. Of arrivals from Syria 1.7% came on a work permit, and the same figure for the Syrian background is 29%.
The permit ground by country does not explain the gap between the sexes, though: of arrivals from India 39% came on a work permit, yet the gap between men's and women's employment is 24 percentage points. The work permit typically goes to the man and the spouse comes on family grounds. Read from each person's own permit, the gap ten years on is 4 percentage points for work-permit holders and 21 for those granted protection. The policy of work-based immigration began with the 2003 government programme.
Employment rate by grounds for arrival, first year and tenth · Finland (permits 2011–2021)
A cross-section mixes the newly arrived with those long settled. This follows the same permit cohorts by years of residence, so it shows what happens to a group over time. Work-permit holders start high and rise little, the others rise a great deal and still do not catch them.
% in employment
First yearTenth year
What the figures measure
The figures are the study's rounded summary values. The intermediate years are drawn in the study's own charts and are not published as a table.
The grounds are those of arrival, not the person's current status. Someone who came to study may later work, and someone who came as a family member may enter the labour market, and each stays in the group they arrived in.
EU citizens are all EU citizens who registered their right of residence, whatever their reason for coming. The study cannot see the reason, so the group includes workers, students and people who came for family reasons. EU citizens who did not register are not included. The Work group holds only those who came from outside the EU on a work permit.
The tenth-year point comes from the oldest permit cohorts, those who arrived around 2011, while the first-year point comes from all of them.
For work-permit holders the study gives the first year as “above 80 per cent”, so that bar is a floor.
Work-permit share of arrivals and the group's employment · by country
The two bars are two different statistics about the same country, not two measurements of the same set of people.
Per cent
Work-permit share of arrivals 2015–2025Employed relative to the population aged 20–64, 2023
Details
First bar: first residence permits granted on work grounds, divided by all first permits, asylum decisions and temporary protection decisions in 2015–2025 (Finnish Immigration Service, by citizenship).
Second bar: the number in work relative to the population aged 20–64 by background country in 2023 (Statistics Finland). It is not an employment rate, because the employed include people of all ages.
Ukraine's figure is low because most arrivals received temporary protection: 18,176 work permits against 89,937 temporary protection decisions.
The chart shows the 13 countries with both figures and more than 2,000 arrivals. The correlation of 0.72 is computed across all 26 countries, not only those shown.
The same calculation for the other grounds gives the mirror image: the protection share correlates with employment at −0.60, study at 0.29 and family at −0.18. Weak employment does not follow family migration as such, it follows protection. Study is nonetheless the fastest-growing ground of all.
The comparison is ecological: it sets two country-level numbers against each other, not the same people. The permit grounds cover those who arrived in 2015–2025, while the employment figure covers the whole background population, including people who moved long ago and people born in Finland. The chart therefore says that groups from countries sending work-based migration are better employed in Finland. It does not say how many individual work-permit holders are in work.
No country-level cross-tabulation of permit ground against employment has been published: the ministry study reports by ground without a country split, Statistics Finland's labour force survey does the same, and Eurostat's 2021 survey module divides the reason for migration only into EU-born and non-EU-born.
Show the figures
Group
Work-permit share of arrivals 2015–2025
Employed relative to the population aged 20–64, 2023
The employment gap between the sexes and the work-permit share · by country
Percentage points / per cent
Gap between men's and women's employment 2023 (pp)Work-permit share of arrivals 2015–2025 (%)
Details
The chart shows the ten countries with the widest and the narrowest gaps. They are ordered by the size of the gap, not by the work-permit share. If the grounds explained the gap, the blue bars would rise from left to right. They do not.
India (39% work permits, a 24 pp gap) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, shown as Congo (3% work permits, a 0.9 pp gap), are the two ends of the same observation.
The gap is the difference in percentage points between the employed shares of men and women aged 20–64, by background country in 2023 (Statistics Finland). Vietnam's gap is −0.1 pp, meaning women are employed slightly more often than men.
The correlations of 0.72 and −0.34 are computed across all 26 countries carrying both figures.
The family share does not predict the gap at all: the correlation is −0.07. The widest gap on the list belongs to Pakistan at 34.5 points, and Pakistan is not a refugee source country, since 4% arrived on protection grounds.
Show the figures
Group
Gap between men's and women's employment 2023 (pp)
Employment ten years after the permit · by ground and sex
Per cent
MenWomen
Details
A person counts as employed if they had earnings during the year. The figures cover people who were granted a permit at ages 18–59 between 2011 and 2021, and in each year only those still living in the country.
EU citizens are all EU citizens who registered their right of residence, whatever their reason for coming. The study cannot see the reason, so the group includes workers, students and people who came for family reasons. EU citizens who did not register are not included. The Work group holds only those who came from outside the EU on a work permit.
The gap between the sexes is not the same on every ground: it is 4 percentage points for work permits, 0 for EU citizens, 11 for study, 12 for family and 21 for protection.
In the first year 14% of the men granted protection had earnings, against 4% of the women.
The reference is the average for Finnish-background people in the same data, 83% for men and 84% for women. Those two bars therefore do not move with the years.
The values were read off figures 20 and 21 in the ministry study's appendix, where they are not tabulated, so they are accurate to about a percentage point. The study's own text reports both sexes together only.
First residence permits granted on family grounds, by sponsor · Finland 2015–2025
Permits granted on family grounds are often talked about as family reunification of refugees. Over 2015–2025, however, the family members of people granted international protection received 985–2,080 first residence permits a year. The family members of Finnish citizens received 2,292–3,308 a year. The family members of other foreign nationals living in Finland, such as workers and students, received 4,322 permits in 2015 and 16,225 in 2025. In 2025 they outnumbered the people granted a first permit on work grounds (8,384) or on study grounds (10,486).
Positive decisions per year
Family of other foreign nationalsFamily of Finnish citizensFamily of people granted protection
What the figures measure
The figures are positive decisions on a first residence permit, by year of decision. Negative decisions and extended permits are not included.
The three series add up to the family line of the Immigration Service decisions chart on the Charts page, for example 19,860 decisions in 2025. The family line of the applications chart on the same page counts applications rather than decisions, so it is a different figure.
The family members of other foreign nationals are the families of every other foreign national living in Finland on a residence permit. The statistics service does not divide this group by the grounds on which the sponsor lives in Finland. The split into the family members of workers and of students that the Immigration Service published in a review concerns applications, and it is among this section's sources.
Family members are spouses, minor children and the guardians of a minor, along with a small number of other relatives.
Family members of EU citizens receive a residence card and are not in these figures.
Show the figures
Year
Family of other foreign nationals (Positive decisions per year)
Family of Finnish citizens (Positive decisions per year)
Family of people granted protection (Positive decisions per year)
Statistics Sweden (SCB) publishes register-based statistics on employment at ages 20–65 by the grounds on which a foreign-born person was granted a residence permit and by how long they have lived in Sweden.
Employment rate by residence-permit ground and years in Sweden · Sweden 2024
SCB's statistics are a cross-section for 2024, so each bar holds people who arrived in different years. Unlike the Finnish chart, it does not follow the same people. When all lengths of residence are counted together, 84.8% of those who came on work grounds were in employment, 68.0% of other family members, 68.9% of those who came on protection grounds, 62.6% of refugees' family members and 47.5% of those who came to study. Of the Sweden-born, 84.2% were in employment, and 70.0% of the foreign-born.
% in employment
0–3 years in Sweden4–9 years10 years or more
What the figures measure
The employment rate is this site's calculation: the number employed in SCB's table TAB887 divided by the number aged 20–65 in the same group in 2024. The table holds only counts. The rounded shares SCB published in its release are the same as those calculated this way.
SCB counts as employed anyone who was paid in November for work on which the employer pays employer contributions, or who is judged to have run a business in November. The data come mainly from employers' monthly pay returns to the Swedish Tax Agency. Someone paid in November counts as employed even if they are registered as an unemployed jobseeker at the same time.
The Finnish figures are measured differently. In the source of the Finnish chart, the ministry study TEM 2024:9, a person is employed if they had earnings at any point in the year. In Statistics Finland's employment statistics, the source of the employed counts in this section's country chart (table 115t) and of the integration indicators' employment rate (table 117e), a person is employed if they were in paid work in the last week of the year and were not an unemployed jobseeker or in military or non-military service. The reference period is therefore a month for SCB, a week for Statistics Finland and the whole year in the ministry study, so the Swedish and Finnish figures are not directly comparable.
The age group is 20–65. The ministry study covers people granted a permit at ages 18–59, and the employment rate in table 117e covers ages 18–64. The figures include people registered as resident in Sweden at the end of 2024. Asylum seekers are not included.
The ground is the person's most recently registered residence-permit ground, and it may be several years old. In the Finnish chart the ground is the ground of arrival.
Years in Sweden are the total time a person has been registered as resident in Sweden. The group with 10 years or more includes everyone who arrived at least ten years ago, people who have lived in the country for decades among them.
Other family means people who came as family members of someone other than a refugee, and their sponsor in Sweden may be foreign-born or Sweden-born. Refugee's family means people who came as family members of a refugee. Protection means refugees and others in need of protection.
The chart leaves out two of SCB's groups, other grounds and no ground recorded, which hold 34% of the foreign-born aged 20–65. In the other-grounds group 78.3% were in employment, and in the group with no ground recorded 69.0%. Both groups are included in the figures for all foreign-born. The ground is usually missing for people who moved to Sweden in the mid-1980s or earlier, and for citizens of the Nordic and EU countries, who do not have to register their right of residence.
According to SCB's quality declaration, the residence-permit ground is less reliable than the other background variables, and results broken down by it should be read with caution. The smallest group is refugees' family members with 0–3 years in Sweden, 3,791 people.
Employment rate after 10 years or more in Sweden, by residence-permit ground and sex · Sweden 2024
Among those with 10 years or more in Sweden, 73.4% of the men who came on protection grounds were in employment and 71.7% of the women. Of the men who came as refugees' family members 71.8% were in employment, and 68.3% of the women. Of the Sweden-born, 84.2% of both men and women were in employment.
% in employment
MenWomen
What the figures measure
The definitions and the calculation are the same as in the previous chart. The Sweden-born bars are figures for the whole group, because years in Sweden are counted only for the foreign-born.
With 0–3 years in Sweden, 58.5% of the men who came on protection grounds were in employment and 40.9% of the women. Of the men who came as other family members 57.7% were in employment, and 32.8% of the women.
When all lengths of residence are counted together, 72.7% of foreign-born men and 67.3% of foreign-born women were in employment.
The Finnish chart shows the same permit cohorts exactly ten years after the permit was granted. The Swedish group with 10 years or more also includes people who arrived decades ago, so the two groups are made up of people who arrived in different years.
SCB 2026: employment by residence-permit ground in Sweden20269 findings
Statistics Sweden (Statistiska centralbyrån, SCB), Integration – statistik och analys: the release Vanligaste yrkena för utrikes födda of 14 April 2026 and table TAB887 in the statistical database. Register-based total statistics for 2024. The definitions come from the release, the table's notes and SCB's quality declarations for the integration statistics and for the labour market status register (Befolkningens arbetsmarknadsstatus, BAS).
According to the release, 67% of foreign-born women and 73% of foreign-born men aged 20–65 were in employment in 2024. Of the Sweden-born, 84% of both women and men were in employment.
According to the release, 85% of both the women and the men who came on work grounds were in employment. Of those who came as refugees' family members, 59% of the women and 68% of the men were in employment. Just under half of those who came to study were in employment, and according to SCB many of them are students.
SCB counts as employed anyone who was paid in November for work on which the employer pays employer contributions, or who is judged to have run a business in November. People who received such pay in one of the eleven months before November and have since received, for example, parental benefit or sickness benefit every month also count as employed. The data come mainly from employers' monthly pay returns to the Swedish Tax Agency.
Each person has only one labour market status. Someone paid in November counts as employed even if they are registered as an unemployed jobseeker.
The residence-permit ground (grund för bosättning) is the person's most recently registered ground, and it may be several years old. SCB divides the foreign-born into seven groups: study, work, family member of someone other than a refugee, family member of a refugee, refugee or other person in need of protection, other grounds, and ground missing or not applicable.
The sponsor of a family member of someone other than a refugee may be foreign-born or Sweden-born. In the other-grounds group the most common ground is other permits, such as extensions, and most of the group have lived in Sweden for at least 15 years. The ground is usually missing for people who moved to Sweden in the mid-1980s or earlier. Citizens of the Nordic and EU countries have no ground recorded, because they do not have to register their right of residence with the Swedish Migration Agency.
Years in Sweden are the total time a person has been registered as resident in Sweden, and they are counted only for the foreign-born. The statistics cover people registered as resident in Sweden at the end of the year. Asylum seekers are not included.
According to SCB's quality declaration, the residence-permit ground and occupation are less reliable than the other background variables, and results broken down by them should be read with caution. SCB protects individuals' data by adding small random changes to the counts, so the parts do not always add up to the total.
From its 2026 publications onwards SCB uses the concept of the employed (sysselsatt) in place of the earlier gainfully employed (förvärvsarbetande), and the residence-permit ground (grund för bosättning) in place of the earlier reason for the residence permit. According to SCB, comparisons with earlier publications should therefore be made with caution.
Europe
First residence permits by reason · Europe 2025
The bar is the reason's share of the first residence permits the country issued in 2025. The figures cover only citizens of countries outside the EU.
% of first residence permits
WorkFamilyStudyOther
Details
Moves by EU citizens do not show in the figures, because they need no residence permit. Ukrainians under temporary protection are not included either.
Counting EU free movement changes the picture. In the OECD statistics on permanent migration in 2024, free movement was 74 per cent in Switzerland, 59 in Belgium, 56 in Denmark, 49 in Norway and 16 in Finland. Work-based migration from outside the EU was 2 per cent in Switzerland and 22 in Finland.
Other includes international protection. Refugee status and subsidiary protection were 7.3 per cent of all first permits in the EU and humanitarian reasons 3.2 per cent. The protection share was 5.7 per cent in Finland, 12.8 in Belgium and 15.9 in Germany.
Most people granted protection are missing from Switzerland's figures. In 2024 it made 16,385 positive first-instance asylum decisions but reported only 832 first permits for protection or humanitarian reasons to Eurostat.
In the EU the work share of first permits was 40 per cent in 2019, 32 per cent in 2024 and 34 per cent in 2025.
A first residence permit is one issued for at least three months, so the figures are not the same thing as immigration.
The Work and Wellbeing of Foreign-Origin Population survey is the only Finnish dataset that asked the same respondent both the reason for migrating and their country of origin. It has six groups. Family was the most common reason in almost every group. Estonians were the exception, where work outranked family. Two thirds of arrivals from Russia and the former Soviet Union moved for family reasons, and for those from the Middle East and North Africa the need for protection was almost as common a reason as family. The data is from 2014 and has not been repeated, so it does not describe migration after 2015.
Statistics Finland publishes the employment rate by reason for migration from the labour force survey, which is an interview survey. The article finds that after ten years of residence the employment rate is close to the Finnish-background level regardless of the reason for migrating, and that in 2023 people who came to look for work were slightly more often employed than those who had a job arranged. There is no country split. Statistics Finland has itself noted that the employment rate for foreign-background people is systematically higher in the interview survey than in the registers, so these figures cannot be set alongside the register-based country figures used elsewhere on this site.
Maahanmuuttovirasto · Maahanmuutto Suomeen 1/20252025-01-30
Summary
According to the Finnish Immigration Service's review, the family members of people living in Finland on work grounds lodged 4,181 first residence-permit applications in 2019 and 8,957 in 2024. The family members of people living in Finland on study grounds lodged 491 applications in 2019 and 7,868 in 2024. In all, 23,701 first applications were lodged on family grounds in 2024. The figures are applications, not permits granted. According to government bill HE 161/2026 vp, the family members of students were granted 347 first residence permits in 2020 and 7,539 in 2025. According to the bill, in 2025 the family members of students received three times as many first permits as the family members of people with a work-based permit, when the comparison covers sponsors whose first permit was granted on work or study grounds. Permits granted to the family members of workers have not been published as a yearly series of their own.
The 2021 module of the EU Labour Force Survey mapped migrants' labour market position and their reason for migrating across all member states. The reason is crossed only with broad country-of-birth groups, however: 18.5% of those who moved from another EU country had found a job before migrating, fewer among those from outside the EU. No country-level combination of reason and employment is published. The module is repeated every eight years.
Income levelEconomy
Key figures
In 2024 the median income of working-age people was €33,615 for those of Finnish background and €24,060 for those of foreign background. The gap is 28%, exactly what it was in 1995.
The median income of the foreign-background population has fallen three years running: €26,265 (2021) to €24,060 (2024). The reason is a change in the composition of the group, not a collapse in individual incomes.
The bottom income decile holds 24.8% of the foreign-background population and 9.7% of the Finnish-background one. In the top decile the ratio reverses: 5.1% and 12.9% (2024).
Debate about the economic effect usually turns on what immigration costs. The other half is the income level: what the foreign-background population earns.
Among the working-age population (18–64) the median equivalised disposable income in 2024 was €33,615 for Finnish-background and €24,060 for foreign-background residents. The gap is 28%, practically the same as in 1995, when it was 28.0%. Both groups' incomes have risen over thirty years. The distance between them has not narrowed.
Since 2021 the foreign-background median has fallen three years running (€26,265 → €24,060), considerably faster than the Finnish-background one. Composition explains much of it: new arrivals start lower, and from 2022 the group has taken in a large number of people who fled Ukraine. Behind the income level is employment, under employment by background country, and its other side under welfare use.
Median income by origin, aged 18–64 · Finland (1995–2024)
€ per year
Finnish backgroundForeign backgroundForeign background, born abroad
Details
Equivalised means the household's income is scaled to its size and composition. The figure is not a wage but the household's disposable income divided by consumption units.
The chart covers ages 18–64. Across all ages (€31,374 for Finnish background and €22,612 for foreign background in 2024) the comparison is partly a comparison of age structures: the foreign-background population has more children and fewer pensioners.
Only 17,507 working-age foreign-background people were born in Finland in 2024, so their figure swings from year to year. The chart therefore shows those born abroad separately (410,257 people), who make up the great majority of the group.
Income deciles by origin, aged 18–64 · Finland (2024)
The median is a single number from the middle of the distribution. This shows where the groups sit: if a group were spread evenly across the whole population’s income distribution, every decile would hold 10 % of it. The Finnish-background population is close to that and leans slightly upwards. Half of the foreign-background population is in the lowest third, and the lowest decile holds 24.8 % of it, two and a half times the Finnish-background figure.
% of the group
Finnish backgroundForeign background
What the figures measure
The deciles are cut from the whole population’s income distribution, not from the group’s own. Each bar is the share of that group falling in that tenth, so each group’s bars add up to a hundred.
The measure is equivalised disposable income, so household size is accounted for and transfers are included.
Foreign-background people born in Finland are distributed almost identically to those born abroad, 49.1 % and 49.9 % in the lowest third. That group is young even within the 18–64 range, and earnings are low at the start of a career, so the figure is not a measure of mobility between generations.
The at-risk-of-poverty rate (60% of the median) was 31.4% for the foreign-background population and 12.7% for the Finnish-background one.
It bottomed out at 23.6% in 2020 and has since climbed back to its late-1990s level.
In the income distribution, 24.8% of the foreign-background population falls in the lowest tenth, against 9.7% of the Finnish-background one.
In the top tenth the ratio reverses: 12.9% of Finnish-background residents against 5.1% of foreign-background ones.
Above the whole population's median are 32% of the foreign-background population and 59% of the Finnish-background one.
Welfare useEconomySocial cohesion
Key figures
Foreign-language speakers are about 11% of the population but 29.4% of basic social assistance recipients (2024). In 2017 the share was about 19%.
Foreign-language speakers receive about 37% of all basic social assistance paid out, over €300 million of a roughly €825 million total (2024).
In 2024, 52.6% of Arabic speakers received basic social assistance, against 4.5% of Finnish or Swedish speakers.
In the immigration debate welfare use is usually treated as one question: do immigrants draw more in benefits than the native population. Kela's figures answer yes, and at the same time show the question is not well put. According to figures Kela released to Ilta-Sanomat, in 2024 basic social assistance went to 52.6 per cent of Arabic speakers and 8.4 per cent of Estonian speakers, against 4.5 per cent of Finnish or Swedish speakers. The gap between the highest and lowest foreign-language group is sixfold, while the gap between the lowest and the native population is twofold. Every language group is in the subsidy dependency chart on the Charts page.
Welfare use is the flip side of employment: it shows how much of a group depends on benefits for its livelihood. The foreign-language share has grown since the late 2010s, and the gap shows in the euros paid out, not only in the number of recipients. The two directions still part ways: the share of foreign-language adults receiving social assistance has fallen since 2017, yet as the group grows its share of the money paid has risen, to 41% of basic social assistance in 2025. Behind the use of benefits are employment by background country and earnings under income level.
Share of each benefit's expenditure paid to foreign-language speakers · 2017 → 2025
Each row is one benefit in two years: the grey dot is 2017, the blue one 2025 and the line between them is the change. Both figures are printed at the end of the row. The dashed lines are the foreign-language share of the whole population in the same years, 6.8 and 11.4 percent, so a dot to the right of the line means overrepresentation. The button restates the figures as multiples, each year divided by its own year's population share: basic social assistance was 3.5 times the share in 2017 and 3.6 times in 2025, so the share of the money rose while the overrepresentation barely moved.
Kela published these two years only, so there is no series for the years in between.
For four benefits the expenditure share was given for 2025 only, so they carry a single dot: labour market subsidy, guarantee pension, sickness allowance and the national pension.
Foreign-language status is the mother tongue recorded in Kela's benefit register, and the category also holds people whose mother tongue is missing from the register. That inflates the national pension figure in particular (*): in 2025 the unknown-language group halved, which cut counted recipients from 32,000 to 22,000.
A share of expenditure rises from the group growing alone. There were 373,000 foreign-language speakers in 2017 and 646,000 in 2025, which is why each year's population share is drawn as a dashed line.
The population share is calculated on the whole population. Some of these benefits are paid to adults only, of whom 506,000 were foreign-language speakers in 2025.
The euro figures are nominal and not adjusted for inflation.
Labour market subsidy and basic unemployment allowance were replaced by the general allowance on 1 May 2026.
Share of foreign-language adults who received the benefit · 2017 → 2025
The same data the other way round. The chart above asks how much of a benefit's money goes to foreign-language speakers. This one asks how many foreign-language adults receive it. The blue dot now sits to the left of the grey one, meaning the share has fallen: it fell for six of the eight benefits and held steady for two. Their share of the money still rose, because the group nearly doubled over the same period.
The denominator is foreign-language adults, not the whole foreign-language population and not the benefit's recipients. That is why this chart is not read against the one above: the two measures answer different questions.
The sickness allowance figure is rounded in the release, about 5 percent in both years.
(*) The national pension's fall from 9.4 percent to 4.4 is partly a register artefact: the unknown-mother-tongue group halved by 2025, leaving 22,000 counted recipients instead of 32,000.
There were 506,000 foreign-language adults in 2025. As the group grew, the number of recipients could rise even where the share fell.
Germany
Share of people under 65 receiving basic income support for jobseekers (SGB II), by citizenship · Germany, June 2026
The figure is the share of people under 65 of the same citizenship who receive basic income support for jobseekers (SGB II, Bürgergeld, now Grundsicherungsgeld). It includes children entitled to the benefit. In June 2026, 5.2 per cent of German citizens and 18.7 per cent of foreign citizens received it. Among Ukrainian citizens the share was 49.9 per cent, among Afghan citizens 46.5 per cent and among Syrian citizens 46.0 per cent. Among Turkish citizens it was 14.6 per cent and among citizens of EU countries 8.8 per cent.
The figures are by citizenship. Naturalised citizens count as German citizens, and foreign citizens include people who have lived in Germany for a long time.
The denominator for foreign citizens is the Central Register of Foreigners and for German citizens the population statistics. According to the BA, the register's figures are clearly higher than the population statistics, so the shares for foreign citizens come out lower for that reason. The definitions are set out in more detail in the source box below.
Asylum seekers and tolerated persons receive asylum seekers' benefits (Asylbewerberleistungsgesetz), not SGB II support. They can receive basic income support only after a decision granting protection. According to the BA the share can therefore fall when many new asylum seekers join the group, and the fall then says nothing about progress in integration.
People who fled Ukraine receive a residence permit without an asylum procedure, and they have been able to receive SGB II support since 1 June 2022. Unlike asylum seekers, they can therefore receive basic income support soon after they arrive.
The BA's group of main countries of origin of asylum seekers is Afghanistan, Eritrea, Iraq, Iran, Nigeria, Pakistan, Somalia and Syria. Of the citizens of these countries, 38.9 per cent received basic income support.
The BA replaces the Excel file with a new one every month and does not list earlier editions on its site. The chart's figures are from the September 2026 edition. Basic income support data are published with a three-month lag, so the edition's latest basic income support figures are for June 2026.
The Federal Employment Agency's Migrationsmonitor: definitions of the basic income support rate20265 findings
Statistik der Bundesagentur für Arbeit, Migrationsmonitor, Deutschland und Länder (Monatszahlen). Germany edition, reporting month September 2026, compiled on 1 October 2026: table 1.3 and the methodological notes. The basic income support figures are for June 2026.
The basic income support rate (SGB II-Quote) is the share of the population aged 0 to 64 of the same citizenship who are entitled to SGB II support (Regelleistungsberechtigte). They comprise recipients able to work (erwerbsfähige Leistungsberechtigte) and recipients not able to work, who according to the BA are usually children.
People counted as able to work are aged 15 or over, below the pension age and able to work at least three hours a day. Those not able to work are children under 15 and people who cannot do so because of their health or legal restrictions.
The share of recipients able to work (ELB-Quote) is calculated on people aged 15 to 64. In June 2026 it was 4.6 per cent for German citizens, 16.1 per cent for foreign citizens, 43.2 per cent for Syrian citizens, 40.8 per cent for Afghan citizens and 47.0 per cent for Ukrainian citizens.
A recipient does not have to be unemployed. People in work whose income does not cover their living costs also receive basic income support, and the BA counts them separately as recipients in work.
The denominator for foreign citizens is the raw count of the Central Register of Foreigners (Ausländerzentralregister) for the same month, before the Federal Statistical Office's quality check. The denominator for German citizens is the December figure of the population statistics. According to the BA, the register's figures are clearly higher than the population statistics, so the shares for foreign citizens are lower for that reason, and the BA asks for this uncertainty to be taken into account when the figures are read.
Austria
Statistics Austria compiles an annual statistical yearbook on migration and integration. It divides the recipients of the minimum income benefit (Mindestsicherung) and social assistance (Sozialhilfe) by citizenship and residence status.
Recipients of the minimum income benefit and social assistance by citizenship and residence status · Austria 2024
The figure is the average monthly number of recipients in 2024. An average of 205,781 people received support, 2.2 per cent of the population. Of them, 38 per cent were Austrian citizens and 44 per cent were people granted asylum or subsidiary protection. Citizens of EU and EEA countries and Switzerland made up 7 per cent. Citizens of other countries who held neither asylum nor subsidiary protection made up 10 per cent.
The figures are averages of the monthly numbers of recipients in 2024. More people received support at some point during the year.
Recipients include every member of a supported household. Children in the household whom the benefit does not cover, for example because of maintenance payments, are also counted.
The yearbook does not say what share of each group's population receives support. The chart therefore shows numbers of recipients, not how common receipt is within each group.
Austrian citizens include naturalised citizens. Other third countries means citizens of countries outside the EU, the EEA and Switzerland who hold neither asylum nor subsidiary protection. According to Statistics Austria, they include for example third-country nationals holding the long-term resident permit (Daueraufenthalt – EU).
The benefit is regulated by each federal state. In 2024 Vienna and Tyrol paid the minimum income benefit and the other states paid social assistance. Burgenland moved from the minimum income benefit to social assistance in April 2024.
Asylum seekers are supported through basic care (Grundversorgung), which the yearbook reports separately. People granted asylum receive basic care only for the first four months after asylum is granted.
Statistics Austria: recipients of the minimum income benefit and social assistance in 202420264 findings
Statistics Austria, Statistisches Jahrbuch Migration & Integration 2026, presented on 11 September 2026: chapter Soziales und Gesundheit and the federal states table. Also Statistics Austria's Mindestsicherungs- und Sozialhilfestatistik 2024, tables 2 (compiled on 2 September 2025) and 20 (compiled on 12 September 2025). The figures are averages of the monthly numbers of recipients in 2024.
By citizenship, 109,794 recipients, or 53 per cent, were citizens of countries outside the EU, the EEA and Switzerland, and 3,038 were stateless or of unknown citizenship. Of the 91,300 recipients granted asylum or subsidiary protection, 88,486 were citizens of countries outside the EU, the EEA and Switzerland.
Of the recipients, 149,188, or 72 per cent, lived in Vienna. Of the recipients granted asylum or subsidiary protection, 72,782, or 80 per cent, lived in Vienna, as did 12,647, or 93 per cent, of those with subsidiary protection.
Of the recipients granted asylum or subsidiary protection, 32,949 were children under 15 and 33,816 were unemployed. 7,385 of them were in paid work and 794 were apprentices.
According to the yearbook, 52,800 people whose own means did not cover their living costs were in basic care (Grundversorgung) at the start of 2026. Of them, 30,000, or 57 per cent, were Ukrainian citizens. The next largest groups were Syrian citizens (12,200) and Afghan citizens (2,300).
Netherlands
Statistics Netherlands (CBS) publishes the share of the working-age population receiving social assistance (bijstand) by own and parents' country of birth. The figures cover both people born abroad and the Netherlands-born children of immigrants.
Share of people aged 15 to pension age receiving social assistance, by region of birth · Netherlands 2015 and 2024
The figure is the share of people aged 15 to pension age in the group who received general social assistance (algemene bijstand) at the end of September. The rows are people born abroad by region of birth, plus comparison groups. The vertical line is the 2015 share, and both figures are printed at the end of the row. In September 2024, 3.3 per cent of the whole population, 1.7 per cent of people of Dutch origin and 9.1 per cent of people born abroad received it. Among people born in Morocco the share was 18.1 per cent and among people born in Türkiye 11.1 per cent. The share fell in every group from 2015.
The benefit is general social assistance under the Participation Act (Participatiewet). The schemes for older and partially disabled unemployed people (IOAW and IOAZ) and the scheme for the self-employed (Bbz) are not included. The denominator is everyone aged 15 to pension age entered in the population register (BRP) by the end of September.
The region of birth of a person born abroad is their own country of birth. People of Dutch origin are those born in the Netherlands whose parents were both born in the Netherlands. Rest of Europe means Europe excluding the Netherlands.
The non-European countries include Türkiye, Morocco, Suriname, the Dutch Caribbean, Indonesia and sub-Saharan Africa, which are also shown separately.
CBS has not standardised the figures for age, sex or education. According to its report, the figures for groups born in the Netherlands barely change when standardised, and part of the differences between groups born abroad comes from their age structure.
The pension age rose from 65 years and 3 months in 2015 to 67 years in 2024, so the age group compared differs slightly between the years.
Before 2020 everyone born in the former Soviet Union was counted as European, including people born in Central Asia. From 2020 they have been assigned to the present-day states. The 2015 figures for the European and non-European groups are therefore not fully comparable with the 2024 figures.
Share receiving social assistance among people born in refugee countries, by length of residence · Netherlands, September 2023
The figure is the share of people aged 15 to pension age in the group who received social assistance at the end of September 2023. The bars divide each group by how long it has lived in the Netherlands. Among people born in Syria, 51.6 per cent of those who had lived in the country for less than three years received it, and 27.4 per cent of those who had lived there for nine years or more. Among people born in Somalia the share was 21.3 per cent for those resident for less than three years and 33.1 per cent for those resident for nine years or more. Among all people born abroad, 6.2 to 13.5 per cent received it, depending on length of residence.
% of the group aged 15 to pension age
Under 3 years in the country3 to 6 years6 to 9 years9 years or more
Details
The figures are for September 2023. The definitions behind the Dutch social assistance figures are in the notes to the chart above.
According to CBS, refugees become entitled to social assistance once they have a residence permit and housing. Asylum seekers living in reception centres do not receive social assistance. Syrians obtained a residence permit and housing relatively quickly, while they were still far from the labour market, so they began to receive support sooner than others.
According to CBS, each length-of-residence group is made up of people who arrived in different years, and some arrivals later leave the country. The differences between the groups therefore do not describe how the same people changed over time.
CBS: social assistance recipients by origin20253 findings
CBS, Kernindicatoren Integratie 2025, published on 24 June 2025: table Bijstand 2015–2024, position at the end of September of each year. Also CBS, Integratie en samenleven 2024, published on 22 November 2024: section 4.3 (table 4.3.6 and figures 4.3.7a–b, September 2023).
Of people born in the Netherlands with at least one parent born abroad, 3.1 per cent received support in September 2024. Among them the share was 4.7 per cent for people of Moroccan origin, 4.4 per cent for people of Surinamese origin and 3.0 per cent for people of Turkish origin. For those whose origin is the Dutch Caribbean it was 3.9 per cent.
In September 2024, 10.1 per cent of women born abroad and 8.0 per cent of men born abroad received support. Among people born in Morocco the share was 22.0 per cent for women and 14.1 per cent for men. Of people born abroad aged 45 to pension age, 13.7 per cent received support, and 21.1 per cent of those born in Morocco.
According to the CBS report, fewer than 1 per cent of migrants from the new EU member states who had lived in the country for less than three years received support in September 2023, because nearly all of them are labour migrants. Of those resident for nine years or more, 10 per cent of people born in Bulgaria and 3 per cent of people born in Poland received it.
Switzerland
The Swiss Federal Statistical Office (BFS) counts the recipients of general social assistance by citizenship. It compiles separate statistics on the social assistance paid to asylum seekers, refugees and people with temporary protection. Their shares are calculated on a different population base, so they cannot be compared directly with the figures for general social assistance.
Share of the population receiving general social assistance, by citizenship · Switzerland 2024
The figure is the share of the permanent resident population of the same citizenship who received general social assistance (wirtschaftliche Sozialhilfe) at least once in 2024. Of Swiss citizens, 1.8 per cent received it, and of foreign citizens 5.5 per cent. The share was 2.3 per cent for citizens of EU and EFTA countries and 17.2 per cent for citizens of non-European countries. Of citizens of African countries, 29.8 per cent received it.
The statistics on general social assistance exclude asylum seekers, provisionally admitted persons who have been in the country for up to seven years, refugees who applied for asylum up to five years earlier, provisionally admitted refugees who have been in the country for up to seven years and people with temporary protection. Their shares are in the chart below. The share for foreign citizens therefore covers the other foreign citizens.
The share is the number of people who received support during the year divided by the permanent resident population (STATPOP) of the previous year.
The figures are by citizenship. Naturalised citizens count as Swiss citizens.
The BFS reformed the data collection in 2024 and 2025. The 2024 figures rest partly on the new and partly on the old data collection, and some of them are weighted. The BFS asks for them to be read with caution.
The continent rows mean citizens of the countries of that continent. The non-European countries are those of Africa, the Americas, Asia and Oceania. Other Europe means the European countries outside the EU and EFTA, plus Türkiye. The United Kingdom has not counted as an EU country since 2020. Citizens of Oceanian countries numbered 25 among the recipients, and their share was 0.6 per cent.
Share receiving social assistance among asylum seekers, refugees and people with temporary protection · Switzerland 2024
The figure is the share of the group who received social assistance in at least one month of 2024. Of asylum seekers and provisionally admitted persons who had been in the country for up to seven years, 88.3 per cent received it. Of refugees whose asylum application had been made up to five years earlier and provisionally admitted refugees who had been in the country for up to seven years, 79.2 per cent received it. Of people with temporary protection (S status), 82.9 per cent received it.
The denominator is everyone who held the residence status at some point in the year according to the federal migration register (ZEMIS). According to the BFS, the shares cannot be compared directly with the shares for general social assistance.
An F permit means provisional admission (vorläufige Aufnahme) and a B permit the residence permit of a refugee granted asylum. The asylum area covers asylum seekers (N) and provisionally admitted persons (F) who have been in the country for up to seven years. The refugee area covers refugees granted asylum (B) whose asylum application was made up to five years earlier and provisionally admitted refugees (F) who have been in the country for up to seven years. People who have been in the country longer are counted under general social assistance.
People with temporary protection receive social assistance on the same basis as asylum seekers and provisionally admitted persons. Switzerland activated S status for people fleeing Ukraine on 11 March 2022.
The 2024 figures rest partly on the reformed data collection, and the BFS asks for them to be read with caution.
BFS: social assistance recipients in 202420255 findings
Federal Statistical Office (BFS), Sozialhilfeempfängerstatistik 2024: press release of 15 December 2025, tables je-d-13.05.01.01.18, je-d-13.05.01.03.11, je-d-13.05.01.03.17, je-d-13.05.01.04.21 and je-d-13.05.01.04.26, and database table px-x-1304030000_121.
In 2024, 255,804 people received general social assistance at least once, 2.9 per cent of the population. Of them, 120,598 were Swiss and 133,146 foreign citizens, and the citizenship of 2,060 recipients was missing from the data. Foreign citizens thus made up 52 per cent of recipients.
The social assistance share of foreign citizens was 6.2 per cent in 2015, 6.0 per cent in 2022 and 5.5 per cent in 2024. For Swiss citizens it was 2.2, 1.9 and 1.8 per cent in the same years.
According to the BFS press release, about 38,400 people received social assistance in the asylum area in 2024, about 26,700 in the refugee area and about 71,000 among people with temporary protection.
Of the recipients in the asylum area, 36.6 per cent were Afghan and 20.0 per cent Turkish citizens. The social assistance share of both groups was at least 85 per cent. For Syrian, Somali, Eritrean and Iraqi citizens the share was at least 75 but under 85 per cent.
General social assistance is financed entirely by the cantons and municipalities. For social assistance in the asylum and refugee areas, the federal government pays the cantons flat-rate compensation under Article 88 of the Asylum Act.
Sweden
Sweden's National Board of Health and Welfare (Socialstyrelsen) compiles the statistics on social assistance (ekonomiskt bistånd). Statistics Sweden (SCB) publishes the recipients of long-term social assistance and the whole population with the same breakdown by country of birth, background and grounds for residence, so the share receiving it can be calculated for each group.
Share of 18 to 65-year-olds receiving long-term social assistance, by country of birth, background and grounds for residence · Sweden 2024
The figure is the share of 18 to 65-year-olds in the group who received social assistance in at least ten months of 2024. Of people of Swedish background, 0.64 per cent received it, and of people born abroad 2.92 per cent. The share was 3.64 per cent for people born outside the EU and the Nordic countries. Of people who obtained a residence permit as a refugee, 5.75 per cent received it, and of those who obtained one as a refugee's family member 8.99 per cent. Of people with a residence permit for work, the share was 0.12 per cent.
Social assistance counts as long-term when a person has received it in at least ten months of the year. Shorter spells are not in the figures, so the shares are lower than the shares of everyone who received support. According to Socialstyrelsen, 2.3 per cent of the whole population received social assistance at some point in 2025.
The shares are this site's calculation. For each group the SCB table gives both the number of long-term recipients and the number of everyone in the group, and the share is the ratio of the two. SCB protects individuals' data by altering the figures slightly (the Cell Key Method), so the shares for small groups are imprecise.
Under SCB's definition, people of Swedish background are those born in Sweden with both parents or one parent born in Sweden. The second generation means people born in Sweden whose parents were both born abroad.
Refugees, family of refugees, family of non-refugees, the work-based group and students are grouped by the grounds for their residence permit: refugee or other person in need of protection, family member of a refugee, family member of someone other than a refugee, work and studies. The grounds are the most recently registered grounds for a residence permit, which can be many years old. According to SCB, EU citizens do not have to register their right of residence with the Swedish Migration Agency.
Born outside the EU means born outside the EU and the Nordic countries, and it includes those whose country of birth is unknown. Nordic and Other EU mean people born in the other Nordic and other EU countries.
2024 is the latest year in the SCB table. The Socialstyrelsen figures in the box below are for 2025.
Socialstyrelsen: social assistance recipients in 202520265 findings
Socialstyrelsen, Statistik om ekonomiskt bistånd 2025, published on 11 June 2026 (art. no. 2026-6-10333), and its table annex: tables 8, 9 and 13. The source is Socialstyrelsen's register of social assistance.
Nearly 247,000 people received social assistance at some point in 2025, about 73,000 of them children. About 142,000 households received it, about three per cent of all households. Recipients were 2.3 per cent of the population, and the municipalities paid out nearly 11.2 billion kronor.
About 57 per cent of adult recipients were born abroad. According to the table annex there were 173,222 adult recipients, of whom 98,320 were born abroad and 74,902 in Sweden.
84,982 adults received long-term support, meaning support in at least ten months of the year. Of them, 51,685, or 61 per cent, were born abroad.
About 45 per cent of adult recipient households received long-term support. In more than half of them the applicant or co-applicant was born abroad. Of the long-term support paid to married and cohabiting couples' households, more than nine cases in ten went to people born abroad.
The Socialstyrelsen publication gives the breakdown of recipients by country of birth but not how common receipt is by country of birth. In the chart above that is calculated from the SCB figures.
This site's calculation: social assistance by length of residence and background in Sweden20264 findings
The site's calculation, October 2026. SCB table TAB6831 (updated on 30 June 2026, source the STATIV register), 18 to 65-year-olds in 2024, and table TAB6249 Hemmaboende barn och unga 0–21 år i familjer som fått ekonomiskt bistånd (updated on 24 March 2026), children aged 0 to 17 in 2014 and 2024. The share is the number who received support divided by the whole group from the same table. The figures for children cover households in which at least one adult was registered in Sweden at both the start and the end of the year.
Of people born abroad aged 18 to 65, 1.89 per cent of those who had lived in Sweden for 0 to 3 years received long-term support. The share was 4.87 per cent for those resident for 4 to 9 years and 2.35 per cent for those resident for ten years or more.
For people who obtained a residence permit as a refugee, the share was 9.50 per cent for those resident for 0 to 3 years, 8.60 per cent for 4 to 9 years and 3.90 per cent for ten years or more. For people who obtained a permit as a refugee's family member, the shares were 10.45, 16.17 and 5.32 per cent.
People born abroad made up 27 per cent of 18 to 65-year-olds and 61 per cent of the long-term recipients of that age.
In 2024, 9.2 per cent of children aged 0 to 17 with a foreign background and 1.1 per cent of those with a Swedish background lived in a family that received social assistance at some point in the year. In 2014 the shares were 20.8 and 2.6 per cent.
Labour Force Survey table 15bm (ages 15–74): the unemployment rate among people of foreign background was 17.4% in 2024 against 7.3% among people of Finnish background, a 2.4-fold difference. Foreign-background unemployment was at its lowest in 2022, when it fell briefly to 12.1%. By 2025 the figures were 19.6% and 8.3%.
According to Kela's official statistics, foreign-language speakers made up 29.4% of recipients of basic social assistance in 2024 (2017: about 19%). They received about 37% of the money paid out: over EUR 300 million, against some EUR 825 million of basic social assistance paid in total. Kela reports foreign-language speakers as a single group and does not officially publish shares by language. The breakdown by language is based on a separate data delivery from Kela.
According to figures Ilta-Sanomat obtained from Kela, more than half of Arabic speakers, 22,918 people or 52.6%, received basic social assistance in 2024. Among Finnish or Swedish speakers the rate was just over 4.5%. Foreign-language speakers were 29.4% of recipients against about 11% of the population. Recipients include every member of the household, and 40% of Arabic-speaking recipients were under 18. Kela does not publish figures by language in its official statistics.
Kela's 2017–2025 statistics release shows two opposite directions: the share of foreign-language adults receiving basic social assistance fell from 23% to 18% and of labour market subsidy from 24% to 16%, while the group's share of paid social assistance rose from 24% (€172m) to 41% (€408m). Kela paid €9.2 billion in core income-security benefits in 2025, a fifth of it (about €1.8 billion) to foreign-language speakers. In 2017 the share was 15%. Both directions have the same explanation: the foreign-language population grew by over 70% (373,000 → 646,000), and per Kela the growth in recipients since 2023 is mostly Ukrainians. €597 million of labour market subsidy went to foreign-language speakers, a third of the total. Persons whose mother tongue is missing from the register are counted as foreign-language, and the euro amounts are nominal. The labour market subsidy ended on 1 May 2026, replaced by the new general allowance.
Last year Kela detected more than 1,000 suspected benefit misuses worth about €7 million. 471 investigation requests were filed with police. In Sweden Försäkringskassan prevented incorrect payments worth €877.5 million in 2024. Finland recovers about €110 million in incorrect payments. Minister Grahn-Laasonen says that 'what is possible in Sweden is possible in Finland' and that organised crime systematically exploits social security.
Effects on wages and employmentEconomy
Public debate often asks whether immigration pushes wages down or takes jobs from Finns. The question is about the arrivals' effect on other people's wages and employment, not about their own taxes and transfers.
In other countries' studies the average effect is small, and the negative effects fall on low earners and on earlier immigrants who do the same work as new arrivals. The results also differ in direction. In Norwegian construction, wages grew more slowly in the trades that took in many foreign workers. In Denmark, the growing number of arrivals from refugee countries moved less educated Danes into less manual work, and their wages and employment rose.
Four studies of Finland have been published since 2015, and in three of them the earnings of low earners or of the workers most exposed to the competition fell. In construction, the earnings of the workers most exposed to the EU's eastern enlargement fell about nine per cent behind other workers', and the gap was still there ten years later. In the study of North Karelia, the position of the workers already in the region did not measurably weaken.
For the public finances the effect can go either way. In ETLA's 2023 model immigration slows wage growth, which reduces the wage costs of public services. If arrivals displace others from work, on the other hand, spending on unemployment benefits rises and tax revenue falls. The combined effect of these on the public finances has not been calculated for Finland. The site's cost calculation leaves them out of its total and prices them as an assumption at the end of its table.
Finland
ETLA 2026: the economic effects of immigration20263 findings
Antti Kauhanen, ETLA Report 176, 23 March 2026. A review whose labour-market part rests on a report by Sweden's National Institute of Economic Research
According to the National Institute of Economic Research's review, the average direct effects of immigration on natives' employment and wages have been very small. The adjustment of the capital stock and the growth of demand balance the growth of labour supply.
Any negative effects have fallen on narrow groups: less educated natives and earlier immigrants whose skills resemble those of the new arrivals.
The effect depends on whether arrivals compete with natives for the same tasks or complement their skills. Complementary skills can raise productivity and wages.
Labore 2026: lifting labour market testing in North Karelia20263 findings
Ohto Kanninen, Hannu Karhunen, Sanni Kiviholma and Jeremias Nieminen, Labore working paper 365, 4 September 2026
In North Karelia employers were allowed to hire non-EU workers into all occupations without labour market testing. The region's stock of foreign workers grew by about 14 per cent relative to the comparison region.
Arrivals went mostly to the cities and to low-paid occupations.
The workers already in the region were not measurably harmed, and the region's wage bill, productivity and working-age population did not change measurably. Estimates for the urban municipalities hinted at lower earnings and productivity, but the result was not robust across specifications.
This site's calculation: what a change in wages and employment means for the public finances20267 findings
The site's calculation, October 2026. Statistics Finland tables 115d, 15ig, 15av and 115t for 2015–2024 and the tax rates of the site's lifetime calculator. Model repo_support/model_labour_sensitivity.js
The calculation covers 18–64-year-olds who have no post-basic qualification or whose education is unknown. In 2024 there were 571,156 of them, of whom 336,851 were in the labour force. Of the whole group, 42 per cent are of foreign background, and for 86 per cent of those of foreign background the education is unknown, because a qualification earned abroad is often missing from the register. The earnings and employment statistics do not split the group by origin, so no separate figure can be calculated for people of Finnish background.
The group's 155,917 full-time employees earn on average €3,347 a month, and their wage bill is €6.3 billion a year. At the tax rates of the site's lifetime calculator, 64 cents of every euro of wages return to the public finances on average as income taxes, employee and employer contributions and consumption taxes.
A one per cent fall in wages would cut public revenue by about €40 million a year. Of the group's full-time employees, 10 per cent work in the public sector, and the fall in their wages would save about €6 million in public spending. The net loss to the public finances is about €34 million a year. The same mechanism is in ETLA's 2023 model: immigration slows wage growth, because selling the larger output abroad takes lower export prices, and the slower wage growth reduces the wage costs of public services.
When a full-time worker in the group on the median wage becomes unemployed, the public finances lose the taxes and contributions paid on the wage and pay the worker more in transfers. Weighted by age group, the loss is about €29,000 a year. A one percentage point rise in the group's unemployment rate means 3,369 more unemployed and a loss of about €98 million a year.
With the coefficients Aydemir and Borjas (2007) measured for the United States and Canada, a ten per cent rise in the labour force would lower the wages of those competing by 3–4 per cent and their employment by 1.5–2.5 percentage points. In this group ten per cent is about 34,000 workers, and at these coefficients the public finances would lose about €250–380 million a year. With the results of Card's Miami study the loss would be zero. If immigration raises wages and employment, as in the Danish refugee study, the public finances gain in the same proportion.
In the main occupational group of elementary occupations, which includes for example cleaners and labourers, the foreign-background share of the employed rose from 14 to 25 per cent between 2015 and 2023. In 2023 these occupations employed 17,950 more people of foreign background and 10,386 fewer of Finnish background than in 2015. The statistics do not show whether those of Finnish background moved to other work, retired or became unemployed.
The calculation is an example, not a measurement of the situation in Finland. It leaves out the rise in other employees' wages and in company profits that a fall in competing wages can bring, and the later fall in earnings-related pensions that lower wages bring. Both would reduce the loss. The calculation uses average tax rates. The last euro of wages is taxed more heavily than that, so a calculation at marginal rates would show a larger loss.
Sutton 2025: the effect of immigration on natives' earnings in Finland20254 findings
Benjamin Sutton, Journal of the Finnish Economic Association 6(1), 2025. Register data 2001–2018, 36 travel-to-work areas
The study compares travel-to-work areas that took in many people of foreign background with areas that took in few. Arrivals are predicted by where people from the same countries already lived in 1993. In the study immigrants are the foreign-born whose parents were both born abroad, and natives are everyone born in Finland.
When the number of immigrants rises from 1.7 to 8.1 per 100 natives in the labour force, the annual earnings of the native at the 10th percentile are about €1,660 lower and those at the 90th percentile about €2,400 higher. The average effect is about +€650.
The effect is negative below the 40th earnings percentile and positive from the 60th upwards. According to the author, immigrants are closer substitutes for low earners and complement high earners.
In areas with many immigrants already in 1993, earnings grew faster even before the study period. The author therefore considers the estimates likely too favourable and to be read with caution. Without Helsinki and Parkano, the average effect is −€1,565.
Kuosmanen and Meriläinen 2025: the EU's eastern enlargement and construction workers20253 findings
Isa Kuosmanen and Jaakko Meriläinen, Journal of Human Resources 60(2), 2025. Individual-level register data, construction
The EU's eastern enlargement brought foreign labour, posted workers in particular, into Finnish construction. The study compares the workers whose region and occupation exposed them most to this competition with those less exposed.
The annual earnings of the most exposed workers fell relative to the others by about nine per cent on average, roughly a month's pay a year. The fall still persisted ten years after the enlargement.
The most exposed workers' unemployment also rose slightly.
Labore 2025: lifting labour market testing and natives' earnings20254 findings
Jeremias Nieminen, Sanni Kiviholma, Ohto Kanninen and Hannu Karhunen, Labore working paper 352, 2025. Register data on the occupations and regions where labour market testing was lifted
Lifting labour market testing increased the number of non-EU workers in the occupations and regions it covered. Most of the increase came from people already living in Finland with a limited right to work or none.
Five years on, natives' annual earnings in these occupations and regions were on average €647, about 2 per cent, lower. In the lowest-paid quarter of occupations the fall was €1,790, or 10.7 per cent, and the other occupations showed no effect at the level of occupations and regions. The natives already working in these jobs saw their earnings fall by about 4 per cent, and the fall reached the better-paid occupations too.
The fall came mainly from fewer working hours, and it was largest for older workers.
The net transfers natives receive grew by €665–755 a year per person. According to the authors, lifting labour market testing in the whole country would cut public revenue by at most €1.79 billion a year. The net transfers the arrivals receive would at the same time fall by about €300 million as they move into work.
Bank of Finland 2015: the fiscal effects of immigration depend on labour market outcomes20153 findings
Bank of Finland Bulletin 5/2015, 18 December 2015. A review of Finnish and foreign research
There was as yet no Finnish research on the effect of immigration on the wages and employment of the native population. In the light of foreign studies the effect on natives' unemployment and wages is minor.
Immigration may affect the income distribution even when average wages do not change. The effect is negative on the wages of natives who compete with arrivals for the same jobs and positive on the wages of other natives.
In the model the review presents, a larger labour force first raises unemployment when wages are rigid. The pressure on wages improves firms' profitability, and investment raises the demand for labour. In the end employment is higher, and neither average wages nor the unemployment rate change.
Sarvimäki 2010: the economics of immigration20104 findings
Matti Sarvimäki, Kansantaloudellinen aikakauskirja 3/2010. A review of international research
In a simple model the arrival of less educated immigrants lowers the wages of the less educated already in the country and raises their unemployment. The economy can, however, also adjust through its industrial structure and its production technology.
When Cuba unexpectedly allowed emigration in 1980, Miami's labour force grew by seven per cent. According to Card (1990), the move had no effect at all on the labour market position of Miami's residents. In Germany, for every ten ethnic German resettlers from the former socialist countries, four native Germans lost their jobs in the short run (Glitz 2006).
By Aydemir and Borjas's (2007) estimate, a ten per cent rise in the labour force due to immigration lowers the wages of those competing in the same labour market by 3–4 per cent and their employment by 1.5–2.5 percentage points in the United States and Canada. The results are sensitive to how workers are grouped by education.
The review concludes that existing research gives no clear answers to a Finnish policymaker. The most credible working hypothesis is nevertheless that immigration does not significantly weaken the labour market position of the native population.
International
Longhi, Nijkamp and Poot 2005: a meta-analysis of the effect of immigration on wages20054 findings
Simonetta Longhi, Peter Nijkamp and Jacques Poot, Journal of Economic Surveys 19(3), 2005. 18 studies and 348 estimates from them, for the United States, Germany, the Netherlands, France, Norway, Austria, Israel and Australia. The figures are read from the open working-paper version (University of Waikato Population Studies Centre, Discussion Paper 47, 2004)
The estimates vary widely from study to study and cluster around zero. According to the authors, a negative but small effect on the wages of native groups with similar skills is a fairly robust result.
The mean of the estimates is −0.119: when the number of immigrants relative to native workers rises by one percentage point, natives' wages fall by about 0.12 per cent. In the authors' example the immigrant share of the labour force doubles from one in twenty to one in ten, and wages fall by about 0.6 per cent.
Three results recur in every model. Immigration depresses the wages of earlier immigrants more than those of natives. The effect on less educated natives is more negative than on the highly educated. The estimates from EU countries are more negative than those from the United States.
The data hold no study of Finland, Sweden or Denmark, and the meta-analysis was published before this section's Finnish and Danish studies.
Denmark
Foged and Peri 2016: refugee dispersal and Danish workers20163 findings
Mette Foged and Giovanni Peri, American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 8(2), 2016. Register of Denmark's whole workforce, 1991–2008
Licensing requirements limit foreign workers' access to some trades in Norwegian construction. The study uses this difference between trades to separate the effect of immigration from other factors.
Wages grew substantially more slowly in trades where the share of foreign workers rose than in others.
For low and semi-skilled workers, the effect of new immigration was the same for natives and for earlier immigrants.
Prices rose more slowly in the activities where the share of foreign workers grew.
Germany
Dustmann, Schönberg and Stuhler 2017: Czech commuters in Germany20173 findings
Christian Dustmann, Uta Schönberg and Jan Stuhler, Quarterly Journal of Economics 132(1), 2017. The German-Czech border regions
The study measures the effect along the wage distribution instead of assigning arrivals to skill groups in advance. Arrivals work well below their education on arrival.
Immigration lowers wages below the 20th percentile of the distribution and raises them slightly in its upper part.
United States
The Mariel dispute: Card 1990, Borjas 2017 and the replies20195 findings
David Card, ILR Review 43(2), 1990. George J. Borjas, ILR Review 70(5), 2017 (NBER 21588) and NBER working paper 23504, 2017. Giovanni Peri and Vasil Yasenov, Journal of Human Resources 54(2), 2019. Michael Clemens and Jennifer Hunt, ILR Review 72(4), 2019. All use the Miami sample of the US Current Population Survey
In 1980 Cuba unexpectedly allowed emigration, and the Mariel boat people added seven per cent to Miami's labour force. Card (1990) found no effect on the wages or unemployment of less-skilled workers, not even among the Cubans who had arrived earlier.
Borjas (2017) narrowed the analysis to men without a high-school diploma, because at least 60 per cent of the arrivals belonged to that group. By his estimate their wages in Miami fell by 10–30 per cent. That corresponds to an elasticity of −0.5 to −1.5, so a ten per cent rise in the labour force would lower the wages of those competing by 5–15 per cent. That is well above Aydemir and Borjas's (2007) estimate of 3–4 per cent, which the site's calculation uses.
Peri and Yasenov (2019) compared Miami with a synthetic control assembled from cities whose labour markets had moved like Miami's before 1980. For non-Cubans without a high-school diploma they found no significant wage difference. In their account large differences appear when small subsamples are studied and the control is chosen on a short series before 1979, as Borjas did, because the measurement error is then large.
Clemens and Hunt (2019) showed that in the small subsamples Borjas used, the black share of Miami's less-skilled workers rose precisely between 1979 and 1980. The change was specific to Miami and unrelated to the boatlift. Because black men's wages were lower on average, the change lowered the sample's average wage by itself.
Borjas replied that with the rise in the black share held constant, the less-skilled wage in Miami still fell significantly relative to other cities shortly after 1980, and fully recovered by 1990. The dispute is not settled: the same data give zero or a clear fall depending on how the subsample and the comparison cities are chosen.
Remittances abroadEconomy
Key figures
Remittances paid from Finland grew from about USD 16 million (1990) to USD 1.77 billion (2025), more than a hundredfold.
Part of the income earned in Finland does not stay in Finland. The balance of payments records part of it as remittances: transfers between households and compensation of employees paid abroad.
Remittances are a billion-scale outflow from Finland. According to World Bank balance-of-payments data, remittances paid from Finland have grown from about USD 16 million (1990) to USD 1.77 billion (2025), more than a hundredfold. Most of that growth belongs to the 1990s and 2000s. From 2010 to 2025 the series grew by about 25 per cent in dollars and by about 47 per cent in euros, because the dollar strengthened against the euro.
Unregistered hawala operators work outside the authorities' supervision. The Finnish Government assesses the risk of money laundering and terrorist financing associated with them as very high.
This is a different series from the cost calculation's €720m. Eurostat personal transfers, current transfers between resident and non-resident households, were €720m to the rest of the world in 2024 and €116m outside the EU. The consumption-tax ceiling of at most €0.03bn is computed from that extra-EU part, not from the World Bank figure. The World Bank series is wider because it also includes compensation of employees.
On 8 February 2024 the Finnish Government adopted a resolution partially updating the national risk assessment of money laundering and terrorist financing and its action plan. Unregistered hawala operators were included in the action plan for the first time. The risk of money laundering and terrorist financing associated with them was assessed as very high.
Remittances paid from Finland were USD 15.7 million in 1990 and USD 1,768 million in 2025, more than a hundredfold increase. Most of the growth happened before 2010, though: the figure was already USD 1,411 million in 2010. Since then the series has moved between USD 1,245 million (2016) and USD 1,768 million (2025). In 2024 it was USD 1,591 million. From 2010 to 2025 it grew by about 25 per cent in dollars and about 47 per cent in euros, because the dollar strengthened against the euro. In the World Bank's definition, remittances are transfers in cash or in kind between households and compensation of employees paid to non-resident workers.
Cost estimatesEconomy
Key figures
This site's own calculation: the non-Western background population, 523,000 people in 2025, falls an estimated €3.8…5.0 billion a year short in public finances of an equally large Finnish-background population of the same age. At average cost, with collective spending and revenue shared out as well, the figure is €2.2…3.7 billion. The protection background alone falls €1.2…1.3 billion short.
Figures put on the cost of immigration to Finland run from under a billion to over ten billion euros a year. All of them are called calculations, but they measure different things by different methods, and the spread comes more from the method than from the data.
Finland has no single official total. The most precise figures are per-person net effects computed from register data, and they have not been summed to a national total. The annual billion-euro figures are either sums of budget lines or derived from other countries' results. Below the estimates are set side by side by what they rest on and what they leave out. The most precise figure is neither the largest nor the smallest.
This site's own calculation is included too. It combines VATT's register figures, Statistics Finland's age structure and unit costs of public services the way the Danish Ministry of Finance does. It is run for three different scopes, because the scope moves the figure more than any choice of method. The scope and the assumptions can be adjusted in the cost calculator. Last come two items other calculations claim are large: the justice system and dwelling prices.
Three annual figures, two of them in circulation and one this site's own. Vahtera's is the gross spending on one group and Virén's a ratio borrowed from another country. Between them sits a calculation whose every step is set out in the ledger below. The site's own calculation is still a work in progress, and its figures may change.
3.7€bn/yrThis site's highest estimate: non-Western background, at average cost
10.5€bn/yrVirén: all immigration, scaled from the Dutch figure
No authority has published an annual net effect of all immigration in euros for Finland. Of these three only the site's own deducts taxes paid in full.
Details
€3.7bn is the top of this site's range for the non-Western background population on the Danish definition, 523,432 people, at average cost. It stands here because the other two headline figures are likewise from the top of their calculations, and a mid-point would not be comparable beside them. The full range is €2.2…3.7bn, and its mid-point of €3.0bn is the figure the section's other charts use. The range is wide because its ends combine the most and the least favourable reading of every choice. The choice that moves it most is whether the earnings-related pension institutions' property income is shared over all adults or over the people aged 65 and over. Compared with a Finnish-background population of the same age, where collective spending and the shared revenue credited per adult cancel, the same population falls short by €3.8…5.0bn a year.
The state accounts' €0.7bn used to be one of these headline figures. It is not an estimate of the same thing but the outturn of two budget lines, so it is now only in the comparison table.
€3.3bn is Pauli Vahtera's calculation for about 100,000 people from the largest humanitarian countries of origin. It includes imputed items such as a €225m fall in property values, and deducts only €121m in taxes.
€10.5bn is Matti Virén's rough estimate derived from the Dutch total of €400bn for 1995–2019. The method of derivation has not been published.
Sources: the site's calculation of September 2026, steps in the ledger, Vahtera (Iltalehti 5 Mar 2019), Virén (Suomen Uutiset).
Annual cost for the whole country
Seven figures that all answer the same question: what immigration costs public finances in a year. They differ more in method than in data, and the quality tag says which is which. The site's own calculations are still a work in progress, and their figures may change.
Annual costTaxes deductedPublic services includedChildren and lifecycleOfficial or peer-reviewed
The site's calculationnon-Western background on the Danish definition, 523,000 people, average costestimate€2.2…3.7bnestimate€2.2…3.7bn✓✓~✗
Public services at same-age use€4.4…4.7bn
Health, education and other services at the use of same-age natives. Specialised care is at the level of a Finnish register study, and the other services' extra use is as measured in Denmark.
Other spending, sixteen small items€1.1…1.3bn
Integration compensation, child protection, interpreting, the justice system, the Immigration Service, grants to organisations and other named items.
Minus taxes and employer contributions€2.0…2.6bn
The group's taxes net of transfers, plus employer contributions. The low end pairs the smallest spending with the largest revenue, the high end the other way round.
Collective spending that grows with the population€1.7bn
Public order and safety, transport and other economic affairs, housing and the environment, divided equally over every resident. They grow with the population, so marginal cost charges them.
Minus a share of shared revenue+€3.9…4.0bn
Corporate tax less the foreign owners' share, property taxes, fees and sales, the pension institutions' property income, and the VAT and production taxes paid on public purchases and by businesses. They are shared by Dustmann and Frattini's rules: mostly per adult, and the production taxes by income.
Effect on other people's wages and employment€0…201m
At the dear end only: the less educated's wages 5% lower and their unemployment rate one percentage point higher. The effect for the whole country has not been measured.
Marginal cost€0.7…2.0bn
Share of the pure public goods€1.6…2.2bn
General public services and defence, divided equally over every resident. Interest on the national debt is included at the dear end only.
Minus a share of the property income of the state and the municipalities€0.00…0.43bn
The return on public assets, which stand against the public debt. It is credited at the dear end only, where the interest on the debt is charged as well.
State accounts 2024reception and integration compensation onlypartial€0.7bnpartial€0.7bn✗~✗✓
Realised cost of the reception system 2024€358m
Integration compensation to municipalities and counties, realised 2024€316m
Total€674m
Sources
State final accounts 2024, moments 26.40.21 (reception services, €290m) and 26.40.63 (allowances paid to clients, €67m), outturn figures in the 2026 budget proposal.
State final accounts 2024, moment 32.50.30, outturn figures in the 2026 budget proposal. The 2024 budget appropriation was €384m.
Vahtera 2019budget lines and imputed items, about 100,000 peopleupper bound€3.3bnupper bound€3.3bn~✓✗✗
Items from the state budget€865m
Housing, imputed rents on 50,000 dwellings€546m
The item is not housing allowance paid out but an imputed rent on 50,000 dwellings. The same dwelling would earn rent from any tenant, so the item is not public spending in the sense that a paid benefit is.Vahtera, Iltalehti 5 March 2019.
Labour-market support, assuming 80% of adults€352m
The share is not measured, it is an assumption of the calculation. It is higher than the measured unemployment rate of any foreign-background group, so the item is an upper bound.Vahtera, Iltalehti 5 March 2019. Unemployment rates: Statistics Finland employment statistics.
Social benefits€267m
Municipal spending€261m
Other items, including a €225m fall in property values€973m
A fall in property values is not public spending but a change in private owners' wealth. This site's own analysis found no price gap that would support the item. For the whole country the difference is small enough that its confidence interval contains zero, and the within-city difference shrinks when the share of rented dwellings is controlled for, but in the capital region the association remains. The data cannot separate it from the quality of the housing stock.Vahtera, Iltalehti 5 March 2019. The price comparison is this site's own: Statistics Finland 13mu and Paavo 2024.
Total, with €121m of taxes deducted€3,264m
€121m is a fraction of the taxes a group of about 100,000 people pays, and indirect taxes are missing entirely. This is why the row is tagged an upper bound rather than an estimate.Vahtera, Iltalehti 5 March 2019.
Sources
Vahtera, Iltalehti 5 March 2019.
Vahtera, Iltalehti 5 March 2019. Unemployment rates: Statistics Finland employment statistics.
Vahtera, Iltalehti 5 March 2019. The price comparison is this site's own: Statistics Finland 13mu and Paavo 2024.
Kanniainen 2025a synthesis of foreign lifecycle studiesderived€3bnderived€3bn✓✓✓✗
Lifecycle cost of a humanitarian arrival, derived from Dutch and Swedish results€0.9m
According to Kanniainen, the Dutch register study puts the lifecycle cost of an asylum seeker at €800,000, and Sweden's at −SEK 987,000 over the first seven years for the average refugee. In Konjunkturinstitutet's report the same figure, −SEK 988,000, is the refugee's whole-life net cost from arrival at a 1.5% discount rate. The Dutch report's own figure is €475,000 for asylum migration and almost €400,000 for the origin region of Afghanistan, Iran, Syria and Iraq. They are present values at a 2.5% discount rate in 2016 euros, with the second generation included. No Finnish data of its own is used.Kanniainen 2025, citing van de Beek et al. 2021 and a Swedish register study.
Divided over about 60 years of residence€15,000/yr
A lifecycle figure is not an annual cost. To turn it into one it has to be divided by the length of stay. Sixty years is the remaining life of someone who arrives young, and a shorter span would raise the annual figure.The division is this site's, not Kanniainen's. The book has no arithmetic between the lifetime and annual figures.
€3bn a year therefore requires a group ofabout 200,000 people
€3,000m divided by €15,000 is 200,000 people.This site's own check.
People of the four refugee-origin backgrounds in Finland in 202588,102 people
Statistics Finland table 11rt. Holders of a protection permit alone number about 40,000. Reaching a group of 200,000 would mean counting family migration and origins beyond the four refugee-origin countries.Statistics Finland 11rt, population by background country 2025. The number of protection permits: Finnish Immigration Service.
The annual figure Kanniainen gives, with no published step betweenover €3bn/yr
The book gives both the lifecycle figure and the annual figure, but no arithmetic between them and no population the annual figure rests on. The review in Kansantaloudellinen aikakauskirja (Kotamäki 2026) finds the survey weighted towards the costs of humanitarian migration and passing over studies in which work-based migration is net positive.Kanniainen 2025. Review: Kotamäki, Kansantaloudellinen aikakauskirja 2026.
Sources
Kanniainen 2025, citing van de Beek et al. 2021 and a Swedish register study.
The division is this site's, not Kanniainen's. The book has no arithmetic between the lifetime and annual figures.
This site's own check.
Statistics Finland 11rt, population by background country 2025. The number of protection permits: Finnish Immigration Service.
Virénthe Dutch figure scaled by populationderived€10.5bnderived€10.5bn✓✓✓✗
Dutch realised net effect 2016, immigrants and the second generation (van de Beek et al.)€17bn
The figure is the realised net effect on public finances in 2016, in 2016 euros. The report's €400bn is the present value of the whole-lifetime net cost of those who arrived in 1995–2019, and most of it is still to come. It is not an annual cost.van de Beek et al. 2021, table 7.1.
To 2024 prices, Dutch consumer prices 2016–2024× 1.30
In 2024 prices€22bn/yr
Finland's population against the Netherlands', 5.65 / 17.9m× 0.32
Scaling by population assumes the volume and composition of immigration are the same in both countries. The Netherlands has a larger foreign-background population of a different composition, so the ratio is rough in both directions.Populations: Statistics Finland and Statistics Netherlands. The ratio is this site's.
Scaled by population€7.0bn/yr
The figure Virén gives, with no published step between€10.5bn/yr
The figure is about one and a half times the population-scaled one. No published calculation explains the gap. The figure also covers all immigration, not humanitarian immigration.Virén, Suomen Uutiset. The comparison figure: van de Beek et al. 2021.
Sources
van de Beek et al. 2021, table 7.1.
Statistics Netherlands (CBS), consumer price index 83131NED: 100.32 in 2016 and 130.31 in 2024.
Populations: Statistics Finland and Statistics Netherlands. The ratio is this site's.
Virén, Suomen Uutiset. The comparison figure: van de Beek et al. 2021.
Benchmarks from other countries
Denmark, Ministry of Finance 2023register data 2019, non-Western and descendants, 509,000 peoplemeasured€4.2bnmeasured€4.2bn✓✓~✓
Net effect of non-Western immigrants and descendants 2019, in 2019 prices−DKK 27bn
of which MENAPT countries −24bn and other non-Western −3bn
To 2024 prices, Danish consumer prices 2019–2024× 1.154
The figures are not adjusted for the business cycle, and by the Ministry's account the improvement up to 2019 owes something to a better cycle.Statistics Denmark, consumer price index PRIS8: 7,098 in 2019 and 8,188 in 2024.
In 2024 prices−DKK 31bn
At 7.45 DKK/€÷ 7.45
The Danish krone is pegged to the euro in ERM II within a narrow band, so the rate is effectively fixed and the choice does not move the figure.European Central Bank, ERM II. The central rate is 7.46038 DKK/€ within a ±2.25% band.
In euros€4.2bn
Sources
Finansministeriet, Indvandreres nettobidrag til de offentlige finanser i 2019, revised edition September 2023, table 1.1.
Statistics Denmark, consumer price index PRIS8: 7,098 in 2019 and 8,188 in 2024.
European Central Bank, ERM II. The central rate is 7.46038 DKK/€ within a ±2.25% band.
Netherlands, van de Beek et al. 2021register data 2016, immigrants and the second generationmeasured€22bnmeasured€22bn✓✓~✗
Realised net effect on public finances 2016, Statistics Netherlands microdata€17bn
The figure is a single-year cross-section in 2016 euros. The report's €400bn is the present value of the whole-lifetime net cost of those who arrived in 1995–2019, and the €32bn for the arrivals of 2016 is the present value of their lifetimes. Neither is an annual cost.van de Beek et al. 2021, Borderless Welfare State, table 7.1.
To 2024 prices, Dutch consumer prices 2016–2024× 1.30
In 2024 prices€22bn/yr
Sources
van de Beek et al. 2021, Borderless Welfare State, table 7.1.
Statistics Netherlands (CBS), consumer price index 83131NED: 100.32 in 2016 and 130.31 in 2024.
This site's calculationBudget and accounts linesDerived from other countriesBenchmark from abroad
Every figure is a cost per year for the whole country, and positive means spending for public finances. A figure with two ends is the calculation's own range, a single figure is the middle of a published range. Each row opens onto a table of the steps. ✓ = yes, ~ = partly, ✗ = no.
Details
The quality tag says what the figure rests on. Measured = computed from whole-population register data. Estimate = modelled from register figures and unit costs. Projection = one year's age profile stretched over a whole lifetime. Partial = only some items are included. Upper bound = includes items that are not public spending, or taxes are not deducted. Derived = scaled from another country's result with no data of its own.
Only this site's row carries a range, because its every step is known and the range is the honest answer. The other rows show the middle of the range their author published, so that the rows stay readable. The €2.2…3.7bn range is wide because its ends combine the most and the least favourable reading of every choice. The €3.0bn used in the other charts is the middle of this range.
The Finnish figures are not comparable with one another in scope. The state accounts' €0.7bn is the outturn of two budget lines, Vahtera's €3.3bn the gross spending on about 100,000 people, and Virén's €10.5bn covers all immigration.
Taxes deducted: the group's taxes and contributions are netted against the costs. Vahtera deducts €121m, a fraction of the group's taxes, hence partly.
Public services included: education, health care and other services are priced in, not only transfers.
Children and lifecycle: the calculation spans the arrival's whole lifetime and their children, not a single cross-section year. For the annual figure the mark is partly, because a cross-section is a cross-section: the children already here are counted as children, but the taxes they pay as adults are not credited. The lifecycle rows put that right by running the protection background and the non-Western background forward to death.
Official or peer-reviewed: the publisher is a research institute, a ministry or a peer-reviewed journal. Suomen Perusta is the Finns Party's think tank and the van de Beek report was commissioned by a party, though both use register data.
The same methods per person per year. These are not the rows of the table above divided by a population, but calculations of their own for groups of their own, which is why they cannot be added to the annual totals. The site's own calculations are still a work in progress, and their figures may change.
Cost per person per yearTaxes deductedPublic services includedChildren and lifecycleOfficial or peer-reviewed
VATT Datahuone 2026protection permits, gap to natives, transfers onlymeasured€18,500/yrmeasured€18,500/yr✓✗✗✓
Gap in net transfers between protection-permit holders and the comparison group€18,500/yr
Register data for 2023, people aged 20 and over. The euro figure is read off the report's chart rather than its body text, so the last few hundred euros rest on the reading.VATT Datahuone 1/2026, the report's chart. Register data 2023.
Comparison group, people of Finnish background with the same age and sex distributionstandardised
Standardising removes the effect of age structure. Without it the gap would be smaller, because the group is younger than the native population and pensions are the largest single transfer.VATT Datahuone 1/2026, method description.
Taxes and transfers only, no public services€18,500/yr
Education, health care and other services are not in the figure, so it is not comparable with this site's figures or Denmark's. Nor is it the group's absolute net position, but a gap to a comparison group whose own net position is negative.VATT Datahuone 1/2026, the report's scope.
Sources
VATT Datahuone 1/2026, the report's chart. Register data 2023.
VATT Datahuone 1/2026, method description.
VATT Datahuone 1/2026, the report's scope.
Suomen Perusta 2015Salminen, Iraq and Somalia, working-age 20–62, register data 2011, in 2011 eurosmeasured€13,700/yrmeasured€13,700/yr✓✓✗✗
Arrivals from Iraq, net effect per year€13,400
Arrivals from Somalia, net effect per year€13,900
Middle of the range€13,700/yr
Sources
Salminen, Immigrations and Public Finances in Finland, Part I (Suomen Perusta 2015), English summary: net effect of the Iraq-born aged 20–62 −€85m in 2011, 6,353 people.
The same publication: average net effect of the Somalia-born aged 20–62 −€13,850 in 2011.
The site's calculationprotection background, at average cost, services includedestimate€14,000…16,700/yrestimate€14,000…16,700/yr✓✓~✗
Public services at same-age use€10,000…10,500/yr
Health, education and other services at the use of same-age natives. Specialised care is at the level of a Finnish register study, and the other services' extra use is as measured in Denmark.
Other spending, fourteen small items€3,000…3,300/yr
Integration compensation, child protection, interpreting, the justice system, the Immigration Service and other named items.
Plus transfers beyond taxes and employer contributions€1,300…1,900/yr
The group receives more in transfers than it pays in taxes and employer contributions, so the difference is added to the spending. The balance of transfers and direct taxes is measured in VATT's data. The low end pairs the smallest spending with the largest revenue, the high end the other way round.
Collective spending that grows with the population€3,400…3,400/yr
Public order and safety, transport and other economic affairs, housing and the environment, divided equally over every resident. They grow with the population, so marginal cost charges them.
Minus a share of shared revenue€6,200…6,500/yr
Corporate tax less the foreign owners' share, property taxes, fees and sales, the pension institutions' property income, and the VAT and production taxes paid on public purchases and by businesses. They are shared by Dustmann and Frattini's rules: mostly per adult, and the production taxes by income.
Effect on other people's wages and employment€0…300/yr
At the dear end only: the less educated's wages 5% lower and their unemployment rate one percentage point higher. The effect for the whole country has not been measured.
Marginal cost€11,300…13,200/yr
Share of the pure public goods€2,700…4,300/yr
General public services and defence, divided equally over every resident. Interest on the national debt is included at the dear end only.
Minus a share of the property income of the state and the municipalities€0…700/yr
The return on public assets, which stand against the public debt. It is credited at the dear end only, where the interest on the debt is charged as well.
Denmark, Ministry of Finance 2023refugees and those reunified with them 2019, 96,000 peoplemeasured€15,900/yrmeasured€15,900/yr✓✓✗✓
Refugees and those reunified with them, permit in 1997 or later, in full-year persons96,000 people
19,000 had been resident under five years, 40,000 five to 14 years and 37,000 15 to 23 years. The residence time is the person's own.Finansministeriet 2023, chapter 4, table 4.1.
Net cost 2019DKK 9.9bn
Per person 2019DKK 103,000
By residence time the cost was DKK 145,000 for those resident under five years, DKK 100,000 for five to 14 years and DKK 84,000 for 15 to 23 years. Counting only the revenue and spending attributable directly to the person, the figure is DKK 91,000. The net contribution of people of Danish origin was +DKK 22,000 and that of other non-Western immigrants −DKK 2,000 per person.Finansministeriet 2023, table 4.2.
To 2024 prices with Danish consumer prices, at 7.45 DKK/€€15,900/yr
The method is the same as for Denmark's whole-group figure, and all collective spending is divided as in the site's average cost. The figure is inside the protection-background range (€14,000…16,700). Two differences are worth knowing. Children born in Denmark are not in the figure, while 23,661 of Finland's protection background were born in Finland. The Danish figure includes asylum and integration costs for those granted a permit in that year, while the site's total leaves the applicant phase out. The cost falls with time in the country, and for those resident 15 to 23 years it is about €13,000 in 2024 prices.Statistics Denmark, consumer price index PRIS8: 7,098 in 2019 and 8,188 in 2024.
Sources
Finansministeriet 2023, chapter 4, table 4.1.
Finansministeriet 2023, chapter 4.
Finansministeriet 2023, table 4.2.
Statistics Denmark, consumer price index PRIS8: 7,098 in 2019 and 8,188 in 2024.
Finnish register dataThis site's calculationDerived from other countriesBenchmark from abroad
All figures are costs per person per year, positive = spending for public finances. A figure with two ends is the calculation's own range, a single figure is the middle of a published range. Each row opens onto a table of the steps. ✓ = yes, ~ = partly, ✗ = no.
Details
The quality tag says what the figure rests on. Measured = computed from whole-population register data. Estimate = modelled from register figures and unit costs. Projection = one year's age profile stretched over a whole lifetime. Partial = only some items are included. Upper bound = includes items that are not public spending, or taxes are not deducted. Derived = scaled from another country's result with no data of its own.
Only this site's row carries a range, because its steps are known. The other rows show the middle of the range their author published.
VATT's €18,500 and this site's €14,000…16,700 measure different things. VATT's figure is the gap in transfers alone to age- and sex-matched people of Finnish background. This site's is the whole cost including services at average cost, and it gives the group a share of both collective spending and shared revenue.
Denmark's €8,200 per person is the only measured figure in which the whole population, all spending and revenue and the descendants are included. It is smaller than the figure for Finland's protection-background group because besides refugees the Danish group holds other non-Western immigrants, whose net cost was only about DKK 2,000 per person in the same publication. The same publication's figure for refugees and those reunified with them, €15,900, is inside the protection-background range.
Taxes deducted: the group's taxes and contributions are netted against the costs. Vahtera deducts €121m, a fraction of the group's taxes, hence partly.
Public services included: education, health care and other services are priced in, not only transfers.
Children and lifecycle: the calculation spans the arrival's whole lifetime and their children, not a single cross-section year. For the annual figure the mark is partly, because a cross-section is a cross-section: the children already here are counted as children, but the taxes they pay as adults are not credited. The lifecycle rows put that right by running the protection background and the non-Western background forward to death.
Official or peer-reviewed: the publisher is a research institute, a ministry or a peer-reviewed journal. Suomen Perusta is the Finns Party's think tank and the van de Beek report was commissioned by a party, though both use register data.
A whole lifetime as one figure. A lifetime figure is not an annual figure multiplied by a life span but a calculation of its own, which carries one year's age profile decades ahead, which is why it is not comparable with the annual figures above. The site's own calculations are still a work in progress, and their figures may change.
Cost over a whole lifetimeTaxes deductedPublic services includedChildren and lifecycleOfficial or peer-reviewed
Suomen Perusta 2019Salminen, arrival aged 20–24, children includedprojection€1.0m lifetime, 2015 pricesprojection€1.0m lifetime, 2015 prices✓✓✓✗
Arrival from Iraq aged 20–24€690,000
the same, with children included€844,000
Arrival from Somalia aged 20–24€951,000
the same, with children included€1,343,000
Middle of the €0.7…1.3m range, 2015 prices€1.0m
The ends of the range are Iraq without children and Somalia with children included. The figures are in 2015 prices. In 2024 prices, as this site's figures are, moved with the consumer price index, the range is €0.84…1.64m and its middle €1.2m. The projection stretches one year's age profile over a whole lifetime, so it assumes employment stays where it is.Salminen, Suomen Perusta 2019.
Sources
Salminen, Suomen Perusta 2019.
TEM 2024arrival for work at 35, €1,600 a month, to age 80, present value at 3.5%projectionabout €11,500 lifetimeprojectionabout €11,500 lifetime✓✓~✓
Net effect on public finances from age 35 to age 80, monthly wage of 1,600 euros in the year of arrival, present value at 3.5%, 2019 pricesabout −€9,700
The curves of the report's figure 11 allow for attrition, so in them some of the arrivals move away from Finland. The report gives no number for the figure and has no table behind it, so the value is read from the figure's vector data and rounded to the hundred euros. According to the report's text, the cumulative result is slightly negative at both wage levels, and allowing for attrition brings the figures close to zero.Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment, TEM publications 2024:21, chapter 5.2 and figure 11.
In the same figure, a monthly wage of 1,800 eurosabout +€3,600
The wages are monthly wages in the year of arrival. The calculation's sample holds those who were in work at the end of their year of arrival and earned 1,300 to 2,000 euros a month, about 1,650 euros on average. That is why the row shows the 1,600-euro case. The cumulative figure peaks at age 64, at about 34,000 euros on a wage of 1,600 euros and about 49,000 euros on 1,800 euros. It falls in retirement, because the calculation counts earnings-related pensions as transfers received.TEM publications 2024:21, chapters 2.3.2, 5.1 and 5.2 and figures 10 and 11.
To 2024 prices with the Finnish consumer price indexabout −€11,500
Computed the same way, the net contribution in the 1,800-euro case is about €4,300. The report converted every euro amount to the 2019 level with the consumer price index.Statistics Finland, consumer price index (2015 = 100), table 11xc: 103.25 in 2019 and 122.33 in 2024.
Cost over a whole lifetimeabout €11,500
Up to age 65 the lifecycle is estimated from Statistics Finland's unit-level register data on citizens of other countries who moved to Finland from 1995 on. After that the earnings-related and national pensions are inferred from earlier wages. The calculation includes direct taxes and transfers, indirect taxes at a rate of 27 per cent, corporate tax at 20 per cent and employer contributions at 20 per cent, social and health services at THL's costs standardised for age and foreign background, and public goods at 3,600 euros per person a year. Defence and general public administration are left out as pure public goods. About two thirds of those granted a work permit stay in the country for longer, and the earnings-related pension is paid to those who have left as well. Spouses who come along are not in the figure, and by the report's rough estimate they would lower the result by about 150 euros per person. The calculation ends at age 80. According to the report, the choice of discount rate makes no notable difference within the range considered reasonable. The Ministry of Finance was responsible for the report's public-finance estimates.TEM publications 2024:21, chapters 1, 2.3.2, 5.1 and 5.2 and appendix 6, table 12.
The site's calculation on the same measure: the group's own net cost at 2%€0.35…0.37m
TEM's figure is the arrival's own net effect, not a difference to natives, so the matching figure in the site's calculation is the group's own, €0.35…0.37m at 2%. The group: TEM's case is a low-wage arrival who came for work and is in work by the end of the year of arrival. The site's group holds only people of Afghan, Iraqi, Somali and Syrian background, priced at their measured employment of 39.3%. Age: TEM follows one person who arrives at 35 up to age 80, where the site counts the remaining lifetime of the people already here from their present age, weights each year by the probability of being alive and includes the children born in Finland. Discounting: TEM's rate is 3.5%. Emigration: about a third of TEM's arrivals move away, and in the site's main calculation everyone stays in Finland. Collective spending: TEM leaves out defence and general public administration, while the site charges the group a share of them and of the government deficit. The site's lifetime calculator also has a work-based case. Its employment is fitted to the gap VATT measured, by which the factor income of work-based residents falls short of that of Finnish-background residents of the same age.Model: repo_support/model_lifecycle_projection.js. The work-based case: VATT Datahuone 1/2026.
Sources
Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment, TEM publications 2024:21, chapter 5.2 and figure 11.
TEM publications 2024:21, chapters 2.3.2, 5.1 and 5.2 and figures 10 and 11.
Statistics Finland, consumer price index (2015 = 100), table 11xc: 103.25 in 2019 and 122.33 in 2024.
TEM publications 2024:21, chapters 1, 2.3.2, 5.1 and 5.2 and appendix 6, table 12.
Model: repo_support/model_lifecycle_projection.js. The work-based case: VATT Datahuone 1/2026.
The site's calculation, lifecycledifference to natives of the same age, the people already hereprojection€0.60…0.64m lifetimeprojection€0.60…0.64m lifetime✓✓✓✗
Population by age band, sex and generation in 202588,102 people
Statistics Finland table 11rt. 64,441 born abroad and 23,661 born in Finland. The generation split is what allows those born here to carry an adult profile of their own.Statistics Finland 11rt, background country, age, sex and generation 2025.
Each cohort is run to age 100 on the life tableStatistics Finland 12ap 2024
Survival probability by single year of age and sex. The life table is the same as in the lifetime calculator. Each year's figure is weighted by the share of the cohort still alive that year.Statistics Finland 12ap, life table 2024.
The price of a year of life: the same engine as the lifetime calculatorthe 2024 general government accounts by age
Every item of general government spending and revenue is allocated to single years of age. Cash benefits and direct taxes follow the register's age profile and services follow their use. Employer contributions and consumption taxes follow the person's own income, and corporate tax and other revenue are shared per resident. Run across the whole population, the allocation returns spending of €28,405 and a deficit of €2,267 per resident a year, against measured figures of €28,354 and €2,184. The group has the protection background's measured employment of 39.3%, a wage of €28,985 per earner and extra service use of €2,253…2,912 a year. The comparison has the Finland-born employment rate of 74.5% and the Finnish-background wage of €38,901.General government accounts 2024 (Statistics Finland), model repo_support/model_fiscal_lifecycle.js.
Transfers calibrated to VATT's measurement€6,387 a year at ages 20–64
At the group's employment and wage, the frame's rules give the adults of the four refugee origins a gap in taxes minus transfers of €7,588 per adult a year against Finnish-background residents of the same age. VATT measured €13,369 for the same people. The rules move benefits only with employment and use one tax rate for the age, so they miss, for example, what larger families draw and the lower tax on a lower income. The difference is added as a transfer at ages 20–64, and those born in Finland carry 24% of it. With it the first year of the calculation gives a difference of €1.2…1.3bn, against €1.2…1.3bn in the annual calculation. Without the calibration the first year would be €1.0…1.1bn. The addition is computed for each group from its own measured gap, so it is not a rule for everyone out of work.VATT Datahuone 1/2026, table B2. Model: repo_support/model_lifecycle_projection.js.
The same run for natives of the same age and sex distribution€0.06…0.07m
With every item of general government revenue counted, the native population's own lifetime figure is close to zero. The small cost is this age structure's share of the government deficit. Discounted at 2% the figure turns into revenue of €0.07m, because the taxes of working age come before the costs of old age.Model: repo_support/model_lifecycle_projection.js.
The group's own figure on the same run€0.67…0.70m
The figure is the net cost left to public finances over the group's remaining lifetime. It is computed at the group's own employment, wage, use of services and transfers.Model: repo_support/model_lifecycle_projection.js.
The difference per person over the whole lifecycle€0.60…0.64m
This is the scenario derived from education, in which those born in Finland carry 24% of their parents' gap. Through childhood, to age 19, they are charged €2,218…3,174 a year in place of the share of the extra use: the group's children's items per child in full, ARA housing above the population share and the child's part of the use of services above same-age use. For the whole group the difference is €53.0…56.1bn. It is €0.72…0.76m per person for those born abroad and €0.28…0.30m for those born in Finland. If the gap of those born in Finland stays at their parents' level, the whole group's figure is €0.80…0.85m. If the gap closes entirely, it is €0.54…0.57m. Discounted at 2%, the derived difference is €0.42…0.44m per person and €37.0…38.9bn for the whole group. The ends of the range come from the group's measured extra use of services.Model: repo_support/model_lifecycle_projection.js, the same engine as the lifetime calculator.
Model: repo_support/model_lifecycle_projection.js, the same engine as the lifetime calculator.
Kanniainen 2025from foreign studies, no Finnish dataderived€0.9m lifetimederived€0.9m lifetime✓✓✓✗
Netherlands according to Kanniainen, lifecycle cost of an asylum seeker€800,000
The Dutch report's own figure is €475,000 for asylum migration and almost €400,000 for the origin region of Afghanistan, Iran, Syria and Iraq. They are present values at a 2.5% discount rate in 2016 euros, with the second generation included.Kanniainen 2025. The report's figures: van de Beek et al. 2021, table 0.2 and chapter 6.
Sweden, net cost of the average refugee, over seven years according to the book−SEK 987,000
Kanniainen's figure for Finland, with no published step between€0.9m
The Dutch report is computed from that country's own register, and in Konjunkturinstitutet's report the Swedish figure is the refugee's whole-life net cost, although the book presents it as the cost of the first seven years. The Finnish figure is an estimate placed between them with no published step. For comparison, the lifecycle figure Suomen Perusta computes from Finnish register data is €0.7…1.3m in 2015 prices and €0.84…1.64m in 2024 prices.Kanniainen 2025. The comparison figure: Salminen, Suomen Perusta 2019.
Sources
Kanniainen 2025. The report's figures: van de Beek et al. 2021, table 0.2 and chapter 6.
Kanniainen 2025. The comparison figure: Salminen, Suomen Perusta 2019.
Benchmarks from other countries
Konjunkturinstitutet 2025Sweden, refugees with their relatives, from arrival, present value at 1.5%projection€0.10m lifetimeprojection€0.10m lifetime✓✓~✓
A refugee's expected net contribution from arrival, present value at 1.5%, 2022 prices−SEK 988,000
Undiscounted the figure is −SEK 1,648,000 and at 3% −SEK 857,000. Per year it is −SEK 25,000. For other foreign-born residents the present value is +SEK 1,902,000.Konjunkturinstitutet 2025, Specialstudie 117, table 6.
To 2024 prices with Swedish consumer prices, and to euros at the 2024 average rate of 11.43 SEK/€−€96,000
Computed the same way, the undiscounted figure is −€161,000 and the present value for other foreign-born residents +€186,000.Statistics Sweden, consumer price index (KPI) annual averages 371.91 in 2022 and 415.15 in 2024. European Central Bank, euro reference rate.
Cost over a whole lifetime€0.10m
The calculation starts at arrival and follows the arrival for 102 years. Every year is weighted by the probability that the person is alive and still living in Sweden. The first eight years follow the path of earlier refugees from the same country of birth, and after that the path converges on a curve estimated for refugees. A refugee's expected net contribution is positive between about 15 and 40 years in the country. Collective spending is divided equally over all residents, and the government deficit is charged to no one. Children born in Sweden are counted with the native-born.Konjunkturinstitutet 2025, chapters 4 and 8 and footnote 29.
The site's calculation on the same measure: the group's own net cost at 2%€0.35…0.37m
KI's figure is the group's own net contribution, not a difference to natives, so the matching figure in the site's calculation is the group's own, €0.67…0.70m undiscounted and €0.35…0.37m at 2%. Discounting does not explain the gap: undiscounted, KI's figure is €0.16m and the gap is about the same. The frame differs: KI counts one arrival from arrival, and the site counts the remaining lifetime of the people already here from their present age. Time in the country: in KI's calculation a refugee's net contribution improves with time in Sweden, while the site holds the group's present employment of 39.3% through working age, because in the Finnish register the gap to people of the same age does not narrow after ten years. Emigration: KI's figure drops the later years of those who leave, while in the site's model everyone stays in Finland. Spending: KI divides school, health and care spending mostly by age, while the site adds the group's measured extra use of services, €2,253…2,912 a year, and a share of the government deficit. Children work the other way: KI leaves out those born in Sweden, and without the Finland-born the site's difference to people of the same age would be €0.72…0.76m rather than €0.60…0.64m. The group: KI's refugees include refugees' relatives, and its lifetime figure weights the countries of origin by the arrivals in KI's base-case projection, while the site's group holds only people with a background in Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia and Syria. A gap at least as large shows in the figures for 2022: by KI's count the net contribution of all Sweden's refugees was −SEK 27,500 per person, about €2,700 in 2024 prices, while the site's annual calculation gives the protection background €14,000…16,700. In KI's figures refugees from the former Yugoslavia and Iran have a positive net contribution and those from Syria and Somalia the most negative.Model: repo_support/model_lifecycle_projection.js. The 2022 figures: Konjunkturinstitutet 2025, table 1 and figure 7.
Statistics Sweden, consumer price index (KPI) annual averages 371.91 in 2022 and 415.15 in 2024. European Central Bank, euro reference rate.
Konjunkturinstitutet 2025, chapters 4 and 8 and footnote 29.
Model: repo_support/model_lifecycle_projection.js. The 2022 figures: Konjunkturinstitutet 2025, table 1 and figure 7.
Norway, Perspektivmeldingen 2021arrivals from Asia, Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe outside the EU, from age 25, undiscountedprojection€1.24m lifetimeprojection€1.24m lifetime✓✓~✓
Net transfers from the public sector from age 25 to the end of life, men and women, 2017 kronerNOK 8.3m and 14.5m
Per year the figures are NOK 124,000 and 217,000. A positive figure means the person receives more from the public sector in services and transfers than they pay in taxes and fees. The Ministry of Finance gives the price level as 2017 kroner.Finansdepartementet, Meld. St. 14 (2020–2021) Perspektivmeldingen 2021, box 7.7 and table 7.3. Price level: Finansdepartementet's answer to written question 15:1660 (2023–2024), 12 April 2024.
Average of women and menNOK 11.4m
The Ministry of Finance takes the same average itself. By its figures it is almost NOK 15m in 2024 kroner, or a little over NOK 220,000 a year, with the 2017 kroner raised by the price index of state budget expenditure.Finansdepartementet, answer to written question 15:1660 (2023–2024), 12 April 2024.
To 2024 prices with Norwegian consumer prices, and to euros at the 2024 average rate of 11.63 NOK/€€1.24m
Computed the same way, the figure is €0.90m for men and €1.58m for women.Statistics Norway, consumer price index annual averages 105.5 in 2017 and 133.6 in 2024 (table 03014). European Central Bank, euro reference rate.
Non-immigrants from age 25 in the same table, average of women and menNOK 2.8m, or €0.30m
For non-immigrants the figure is NOK −3.2m for men and NOK 8.8m for women. For arrivals from the eastern EU member states the figures are NOK 3.4m and 9.4m, on average €0.70m. For arrivals from Western Europe, the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand they are NOK −4.3m and 5.2m, on average €0.05m. Averaged over the population, transfers are somewhat higher than the taxes and fees paid, and the difference is covered by the oil fund's income.Perspektivmeldingen 2021, table 7.3. Country groups: Statistics Norway, population projections 2020 (table 12881).
Cost over a whole lifetime€1.24m
In the government's description, Statistics Norway has mapped how public sector revenue and spending depend on the population's age and sex. People of working age pay taxes and fees, and children, young people and the old receive public services and transfers. The calculation rests on the age profiles of 2017, and the government calls it a stylised worked example that covers the part of life spent living in Norway. The figures are undiscounted, since the sum from birth is simply the sum of the periods from 0 to 24 and from 25 on. The table is per person, so an immigrant's children born in Norway are not in the figure. The non-immigrant figure also starts at age 25, and by the table the public sector spends a net NOK 6.3m on a boy born in Norway before that.Finansdepartementet, Meld. St. 14 (2020–2021) Perspektivmeldingen 2021, 12 February 2021, box 7.7 and table 7.3.
The site's calculation on the same measure: the group's own net cost, undiscounted€0.67…0.70m
Norway's figure is the group's own net cost, not a difference to natives, so the matching figure in the site's calculation is the group's own, €0.67…0.70m. Age: Norway's figure starts at age 25, where the site counts the remaining lifetime of the people already here from their present age and includes the children born in Finland. Scope: both figures cover the whole public sector, not the state budget alone. Norway's figure holds taxes and fees, services and transfers. The oil fund's income is not divided among people, so the non-immigrant average is a net cost as well. The site also gives the group a share of collective spending such as defence and of shared revenue. The government's description of the Norwegian calculation does not mention them. Discounting: neither figure is discounted, and at 2% the site's calculation gives €0.35…0.37m. Emigration: Norway's table does not mention emigration, and in the site's main calculation everyone stays in Finland. Group: Norway's group holds every immigrant from Asia, Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe outside the EU, including those who came for work or study. The site's group holds only people of Afghan, Iraqi, Somali and Syrian background.Model: repo_support/model_lifecycle_projection.js.
Sources
Finansdepartementet, Meld. St. 14 (2020–2021) Perspektivmeldingen 2021, box 7.7 and table 7.3. Price level: Finansdepartementet's answer to written question 15:1660 (2023–2024), 12 April 2024.
Finansdepartementet, answer to written question 15:1660 (2023–2024), 12 April 2024.
Statistics Norway, consumer price index annual averages 105.5 in 2017 and 133.6 in 2024 (table 03014). European Central Bank, euro reference rate.
Perspektivmeldingen 2021, table 7.3. Country groups: Statistics Norway, population projections 2020 (table 12881).
Finansdepartementet, Meld. St. 14 (2020–2021) Perspektivmeldingen 2021, 12 February 2021, box 7.7 and table 7.3.
United Kingdom, OBR 2024arrival at 25 on a work visa, half of average earnings, to age 82, undiscountedprojection€0.72m lifetimeprojection€0.72m lifetime✓✓~✓
Net cost to public finances from age 25 to age 82, half of average earnings, 2028–29 pounds£653,000
The person comes to the UK on a work visa at 25, the average age of net migration in the ONS population projections. Their earnings are at the 25th percentile of migrants' earnings in their first year, about half of UK average earnings, and they pay 22 per cent of the taxes of an average resident. The earnings gap is assumed to last for life. According to the OBR, 82 years is the life expectancy in 2028, and by that age the lifetime of an average resident born in the UK is broadly neutral for public finances.OBR, Fiscal risks and sustainability, September 2024, chart 4.13 and its data (corrected 14 November 2024) and paragraphs 4.15 and 4.31–4.34. Method: OBR supplementary release, 6 March 2025.
In the same chart, migrants earning the average and about 30 per cent above itnet contribution £405,000 and £1,010,000
The migrant on average earnings pays the taxes of an average resident. The high-wage migrant's earnings are at the 75th percentile of migrants' earnings in their first year, and they pay 144 per cent of the taxes of an average resident. For an average resident born in the UK the cumulative net impact from birth to age 82 is a net cost of £7,000, and from age 25 to age 82 a net contribution of £393,000.OBR, Fiscal risks and sustainability, September 2024, data for chart 4.13. Earnings and tax shares: OBR supplementary release, 6 March 2025.
To 2024 prices with the OBR's consumer price forecast, and to euros at the 2024 average rate of 0.847 £/€€0.72m
Computed the same way, the net contribution is €0.44m for the migrant on average earnings and €1.11m for the high-wage migrant. The figures are in 2028–29 pounds, because the OBR's age profiles are scaled to the revenue and spending of 2028–29, the last year of its March 2024 forecast.OBR, Economic and fiscal outlook, March 2024, forecast table 1.7: consumer price index 133.4 in 2024 and 143.7 in 2028–29 (2015 = 100). European Central Bank, euro reference rate.
The same to age 100, where the OBR's chart ends€1.70m
By age 100 the net cost of the migrant on half of average earnings is £1,555,000, and their cumulative figure is a net cost in every year from arrival. For the migrant on average earnings the cumulative figure turns into a net cost at 93 and is a net cost of £405,000 at 100. The high-wage migrant's net contribution is still £252,000 at 100.OBR, Fiscal risks and sustainability, September 2024, data for chart 4.13 (corrected 14 November 2024).
Cost over a whole lifetime€0.72m
The calculation adds up each year's taxes and public spending from arrival, undiscounted. The person's employment, use of services and transfers are those of an average resident of the same age, but there is no education spending, no transfers are paid in the first five years, because most visas carry no recourse to public funds, and visa fees and health charges come to £12,500. In the year of arrival £20,000 is added to public investment to keep the public capital stock per person unchanged. All taxes and all public spending are included, investment among it, but not interest. Dependants are not in the figure, and in 2021–2023 an average of 0.3 dependants came per main applicant. The OBR calls the figures order-of-magnitude estimates that are highly uncertain and rest on stylised assumptions.OBR, Fiscal risks and sustainability, September 2024, paragraphs 4.16 and 4.31–4.34. OBR supplementary release, 6 March 2025.
The site's calculation on the same measure: the group's own net cost, undiscounted€0.67…0.70m
The OBR's figure is the person's own net impact, not a difference to natives, so the matching figure in the site's calculation is the group's own, €0.67…0.70m. Age: the OBR follows one person who arrives at 25 up to age 82, where the site counts the remaining lifetime of the people already here from their present age, weights each year by the probability of being alive and includes the children born in Finland. Scope: the OBR's figure holds all taxes and public spending except interest, and the site's calculation covers the whole public sector. The OBR's age profiles are scaled so that the whole population's revenue and spending excluding interest roughly balance, where the site also charges the group a share of the government deficit. Discounting: neither figure is discounted, and at 2% the site's calculation gives €0.35…0.37m. Emigration: in the OBR's chart the person stays in the UK, and in the site's main calculation everyone stays in Finland. Group: the OBR's low-wage migrant is a stylised arrival on a work visa whose employment, transfers and use of services are those of an average resident of the same age. The site's group carries the measured employment of people of Afghan, Iraqi, Somali and Syrian background, 39.3%, and their wage, extra use of services and transfers.Model: repo_support/model_lifecycle_projection.js.
Sources
OBR, Fiscal risks and sustainability, September 2024, chart 4.13 and its data (corrected 14 November 2024) and paragraphs 4.15 and 4.31–4.34. Method: OBR supplementary release, 6 March 2025.
OBR, Fiscal risks and sustainability, September 2024, data for chart 4.13. Earnings and tax shares: OBR supplementary release, 6 March 2025.
OBR, Economic and fiscal outlook, March 2024, forecast table 1.7: consumer price index 133.4 in 2024 and 143.7 in 2028–29 (2015 = 100). European Central Bank, euro reference rate.
OBR, Fiscal risks and sustainability, September 2024, data for chart 4.13 (corrected 14 November 2024).
OBR, Fiscal risks and sustainability, September 2024, paragraphs 4.16 and 4.31–4.34. OBR supplementary release, 6 March 2025.
Finnish register dataThis site's calculationDerived from other countriesBenchmark from abroad
All figures are costs per person over a whole lifetime, positive = spending for public finances. A figure with two ends is the calculation's own range, a single figure is the middle of a published range. Each row opens onto a table of the steps. ✓ = yes, ~ = partly, ✗ = no.
Details
The quality tag says what the figure rests on. Measured = computed from whole-population register data. Estimate = modelled from register figures and unit costs. Projection = one year's age profile stretched over a whole lifetime. Partial = only some items are included. Upper bound = includes items that are not public spending, or taxes are not deducted. Derived = scaled from another country's result with no data of its own.
Only this site's row carries a range, because its steps are known. The other rows show the middle of the range their author published.
Lifetime figures are not comparable with annual ones. A lifecycle calculation makes one year's age profile permanent for decades, which is its largest weakness.
Taxes deducted: the group's taxes and contributions are netted against the costs. Vahtera deducts €121m, a fraction of the group's taxes, hence partly.
Public services included: education, health care and other services are priced in, not only transfers.
Children and lifecycle: the calculation spans the arrival's whole lifetime and their children, not a single cross-section year. For the annual figure the mark is partly, because a cross-section is a cross-section: the children already here are counted as children, but the taxes they pay as adults are not credited. The lifecycle rows put that right by running the protection background and the non-Western background forward to death.
Official or peer-reviewed: the publisher is a research institute, a ministry or a peer-reviewed journal. Suomen Perusta is the Finns Party's think tank and the van de Beek report was commissioned by a party, though both use register data.
Suomen Perusta's figures are in 2015 prices, where this site's are in 2024 prices. In 2024 prices Suomen Perusta's range is €0.84…1.64m. Its figure is also the arrival's own undiscounted lifetime figure, less the same sum for every year spent in Finland that brings a Finland-born whole life to zero, and it is not a difference to people of the same age.
The Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment's TEM 2024 figure is the own net cost, up to age 80, of a person who arrives for work at 35 and earns 1,600 euros a month in the year of arrival, in present value at 3.5% and allowing for those who move away. The row shows this case because the mean wage of the calculation's sample, about 1,650 euros a month, is closest to it. In the same calculation the figure for a person earning 1,800 euros is a net contribution of about €4,300. The report gives neither figure as a number, so both are read from its chart. The breakdown is under the TEM row.
Sweden's Konjunkturinstitutet puts the official lifetime figure for refugees at about €0.10m in present value at 1.5%, where the group's own figure in the site's calculation is €0.35…0.37m at 2%. Discounting does not make the difference. The calculations differ in the path over time in the country, in emigration, in the spending charged to the group and in who belongs to the group, and a gap at least as large shows already in a single year's figures. The breakdown is under Konjunkturinstitutet's row.
Norway's Perspektivmeldingen 2021 figure is the own net cost of arrivals from Asia, Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe outside the EU from age 25 to the end of life, undiscounted and averaged over women and men. The group's own figure in the site's calculation is €0.67…0.70m undiscounted. The breakdown is under Norway's row.
The UK OBR's figure is the undiscounted own net cost, up to age 82, of a person who arrives at 25 on a work visa and earns half of UK average earnings. The row shows this variant because its earnings are closest to the site's group. In the same calculation the net contribution is €0.44m for a migrant on average earnings and €1.11m for a high-wage migrant. The breakdown is under the UK row.
The cost is the difference between two stacks of similar size. Spending is public services at same-age use, the small items row by row and a share of collective spending. Revenue is taxes minus transfers, employer contributions and a share of shared revenue such as corporate tax. The marginal cost counts only the collective spending that grows with the population, and the average cost adds the pure public goods such as defence. The same chain is computed for the protection background and for the non-Western background population, and every row opens onto its note and source. The calculator in the tools view compares by default with an equally large Finnish-background population of the same age, where the collective spending shared per resident and the shared revenue credited per adult cancel, and it counts the applicant phase. On that comparison the non-Western background falls short by €4.0…5.3bn a year and the protection background by €1.2…1.4bn. Without the applicant phase the figures are €3.8…5.0bn and €1.2…1.3bn. The calculation is still a work in progress, and its figures may change.
Public servicesOther spendingCollective spending that grows with the populationEffect on other people's wages and employmentPure public goodsTaxes minus transfersEmployer contributionsShared revenueProperty income of the state and the municipalities
Protection background88,102 people
Non-Western background523,432 people
€bn per yearProtection background 88,102 peopleNon-Western background 523,432 people
The level is measured, not constructed. VATT publishes the group's own level for each of the four countries: in 2023, full-year residents aged 20 and over paid on average €7,890 less in direct taxes and contributions than they received in pensions and other transfers, with the countries weighted by their adults. The calculation moves the level to 2024 with Statistics Finland's integration indicators, which publish the same register measure by region of birth. From 2023, transfers received net of taxes paid rose by €179 per adult on average for those born in Asia and by €116 for those born in Africa. At the 2024 level the difference is €8,050. The 4,666 adults who arrived after the end of 2022 have a larger difference: their country's own, plus how much more in net transfers the adults of their region of birth with 1–4 years of residence received in 2024 than all the region's adults, €346 in Asia and €1,222 in Africa. With them the difference for the whole group is €8,100. Indirect taxes are added at the group's own income: VAT at 9…11 per cent of disposable income, as the household budget survey 2022 measured it for people on low incomes, and excise of €500…900 per adult. The minus sign means the item adds to the spending. The adults are 2,897 fewer, 5.5 per cent of the working-age. According to VATT, 5–6 per cent of working-age foreign-background residents appeared in no register during the year and have probably left the country, but Statistics Finland takes them off the population only after two years. VATT's averages cover only those with register entries. The same people are also taken out of the services and collective spending. The line used to be built from VATT's gap to the native population and a native level, which gave −€0.1…+0.2bn.VATT Datahuone 1/2026, appendix table B2, full-year residents aged 20 and over, 2023. Moved to 2024: Statistics Finland, integration indicators 14t6 and 11q4. Adult counts Statistics Finland 11rt 2025. Arrivals of 2023–2025: 14t6, duration of residence 1–4 years and all durations, ages 18–64, for 2021 and 2024, and 11q4 per earner in 2024. The added adults are 11rt, origin, people aged 20 and over at the end of 2022 and of 2025, and ages 15–19 at the end of 2022. VAT rate Household budget survey 2022, excise Household budget survey 2016. Emigrants: VATT Datahuone 1/2026, sections 2 and 5.
The level is measured in 21 countries that hold 84% of the group's adults. Their own level is −€790 per adult: slightly less is paid in direct taxes than is received in transfers, and the plus sign of the line comes from indirect taxes. The remaining 16% are priced at the covered countries' average, in the most favourable reading without the four refugee countries (+€980) and in the dearest with them. The plus sign means the item is netted off the spending. The level is for 2023 and covers those resident all year. Ukraine's figure therefore describes the 3,886 adults resident at the end of 2022, nearly all of whom came before the war. By 2025 the number of Ukrainian-background adults had grown by 9,433, mostly through temporary protection, and they are priced at the measured level of the four refugee countries. The other adults who arrived in 2023 or later, 70,298 people, are priced at their own country's level less the difference of their region's new arrivals. In 2024 the adults of a region of birth with 1–4 years of residence received more in net transfers than all the region's adults, €1,222 more per adult in Africa and €346 in Asia. The 2024 figures for Europe outside the EU include the Ukrainians under temporary protection, so that region uses the difference of 2021, €363. The 20,416 added adults of former Soviet background are priced like the Ukrainians under temporary protection, at the four refugee countries' measured level. Their number grew in the same years as the Ukrainians'. The table does not say how they came, but the growth is most likely temporary protection. The new arrivals' wage and entrepreneurial income moves by the per-earner ratio of 1–4 years of residence to all durations, −3.0% in Africa and +4.4% in Asia. In Europe outside the EU it stays at the country's own level. The lifecycle calculator stays on the measured gaps of 2023. The calculation moves the levels to 2024 with Statistics Finland's integration indicators, which publish the same register measure by region of birth. From 2023, transfers received net of taxes paid rose by €179 per adult on average for those born in Asia and by €116 for those born in Africa. For the European countries outside the EU the change is read from residents of ten years or more, because the region's newer residents are mostly Ukrainians under temporary protection, who are priced separately. At the 2024 level the covered countries' own level is −€990 per adult, and −€1,440 with the new arrivals' difference. The line used to be built from VATT's gap to the native population and a native level, which gave +€1.2…3.2bn. The adults are 19,773 fewer, 5.5 per cent of the working-age. According to VATT, 5–6 per cent of working-age foreign-background residents appeared in no register during the year and have probably left the country, but Statistics Finland takes them off the population only after two years. VATT's averages cover only those with register entries. The same people are also taken out of the services and collective spending.VATT Datahuone 1/2026, appendix table B2, full-year residents aged 20 and over, 2023. Moved to 2024: Statistics Finland, integration indicators 14t6 and 11q4. Adult counts Statistics Finland 11rt 2025. Arrivals of 2023–2025: 14t6, duration of residence 1–4 years and all durations, ages 18–64, for 2021 and 2024, and 11q4 per earner in 2024. The added adults are 11rt, origin, people aged 20 and over at the end of 2022 and of 2025, and ages 15–19 at the end of 2022. VAT rate Household budget survey 2022, excise Household budget survey 2016. Emigrants: VATT Datahuone 1/2026, sections 2 and 5.
Employer social contributions+€0.12…0.13bn+€1.5…1.6bn
The employer's pension and sickness insurance contributions are general government revenue that the register's net transfer does not include. The contributions follow VATT's measured factor income on the same basis as taxes and transfers: the group's adults times factor income per adult times the wage share of factor income. Factor income is moved to 2024 by the change Statistics Finland's integration indicators show in wage and entrepreneurial income per earner and in the employment rate, by region of birth. Per adult that income rose by 0.8% for those born in Asia and by 2.0% for those born in Africa. The row used to be the employed times earnings per earner, but those figures came from different statistics and different years. The plus sign means the item is netted off the spending.Factor income: VATT Datahuone 1/2026, table B2, 2023, moved to 2024 with integration indicators table 11q4. Adults: Statistics Finland 11rt 2025. Rates: Ilmarinen, social insurance contributions 2024. Contributions received: Statistics Finland 15aj and income distribution statistics 11py, 2024. Wage share: VATT Datahuone 1/2026, footnote 13.
The register's net transfer is the taxes and contributions the employee pays minus the transfers received. The employer's share is left out of it although it is general government revenue. In 2024 a private employer paid an earnings-related pension contribution of 17.34 per cent of payroll on average, sickness insurance of 1.16 and unemployment insurance of 1.09 per cent on large payrolls, 19.59 per cent in all, which is the range's most favourable end. The dearest end is what general government actually received: €20.6bn of employers' social contributions, 18.74 per cent of the register's wages. Accident insurance is not included, because its contributions go to private insurers. The contributions follow VATT's measured factor income on the same basis as taxes and transfers. According to VATT, wages are 91.0% of immigrants' factor income, because they have little property income. Factor income is moved to 2024 by the change Statistics Finland's integration indicators show in wage and entrepreneurial income per earner and in the employment rate, by region of birth. Per adult that income rose by 0.8% for those born in Asia and by 2.0% for those born in Africa. For the 70,298 adults who arrived after the end of 2022, wage and entrepreneurial income also moves by the region's per-earner ratio for 1–4 years of residence, and in Europe outside the EU by the country's own. The earlier method, the employed times earnings per earner, gave €1.0…1.2bn, because fewer people are employed at the end of the year than received earnings during it. The plus sign means the same as on the line above: the item is netted off the spending.Factor income: VATT Datahuone 1/2026, table B2, 2023, moved to 2024 with integration indicators table 11q4, countries outside the table at its average. Adults: Statistics Finland 11rt 2025. Rates: Ilmarinen, social insurance contributions 2024. Contributions received: Statistics Finland 15aj and income distribution statistics 11py, 2024. Wage share: VATT Datahuone 1/2026, footnote 13.
Spending
Public services at same-age use€0.86…0.89bn€4.4…4.7bn
Protection background
The rows are the same as for the non-Western group, at the group's own age structure. The largest item is school and day care, because 38% of the group are children, so the age structure explains the figure more than employment does. The cheap end prices specialised care at the level of a Finnish register study, which for the group's countries of origin is 93% of natives'. The dear end adds the extra use measured in Denmark, 25% of basic education and adult social services, €60m. The calculated integration compensation and Kela's extra work on benefits, €29m, come off it, because they price extra use of the same services on rows of their own, which leaves €32m. The row used to be set by hand at €0.9…1.1bn.Age structure: Statistics Finland 11rt 2025. Unit costs: this section's own, sourced on their own rows.
Non-Western background
The rows are same-age use at measured national spending: early childhood education at the group's measured participation, basic and pre-primary education per pupil, upper secondary and tertiary from student counts, health care with age coefficients, adult social services per adult, the TE offices per person of working age, and culture, sport and other education per resident. The rows sum to €4.53bn. The cheap end prices specialised care at the level of a Finnish register study. The dear end adds the extra use measured in Denmark, 25% of the services Finland has not measured, basic education and adult social services. That is €309m. The calculated integration compensation and Kela's extra work on benefits price extra use of the same services on rows of their own, €179m, which leaves €130m. The compensation for special costs and for unaccompanied minors does not come off, because it also pays for health care, early childhood education and child protection, and its split is not published. The employment services are no social service, so their extra work does not come off either. Early childhood education is measured in Finland as the group's own participation and the students as the group's own enrolment. Of health care Finland has measured only working-age specialised care, which cost less for the group's countries of origin than for natives. The rest of health care is priced at same-age use by assumption, and the measurement of specialised care supports that assumption in direction. On the difference to same-age natives the student rows take the group's own enrolment as the reference, so a gap in enrolment does not enter the difference. At the population's enrolment rates the reference's student rows would be about €111m larger, so the difference is too large by about as much on that account. Child protection above the population share is a row of its own. The rows used to get a 10…25% uplift on top, and other adult services were priced without a source at about twice their level.Each row is sourced on its own line. Extra use: Finansministeriet 2021, the non-Western group's use of services in Danish register data.
Early childhood education€0.10bn€0.44bn
Non-Western background45,054 children × 67.9% × €14,304
67.9% is the measured participation of foreign-language children aged 0 to 6 in 2024. Of the domestic-language children of the same ages, 72.0% took part. €14,304 is the net public cost of one full-time place. At the native participation rate the item would be €0.46bn, and the difference to same-age residents is taken against that. The row used to carry the calculation's own assumption of 55%, which understated the item by about €0.08bn.The unit cost is the net operating cost of one full-time early childhood place. Participation: Statistics Finland, early childhood education 158w, 2024, foreign-language and all children aged 0 to 6.
Basic education€0.16bn€0.66bn
Non-Western background59,511 pupils × €11,085
The pupil count is the school-age children of the group, and every one of them is priced at the full unit cost. The Finnish-as-a-second-language syllabus is not an item missing from here: it is taught inside ordinary basic education, in the mother-tongue lessons, so its cost is already in the unit cost. Supplementary second-language teaching has a line of its own below. Preparatory teaching is a separate cost, and it is recorded separately: €74.3m nationally in 2024, which over 10,792 pupils is €6,884 per pupil. The item is in practice entirely immigration-related, and it has a line of its own below. The pupil count has been falling since the 2022 peak of 14,757.Unit cost: Statistics Finland 12g7, operating cost of basic education per student €11,085 in 2024. The calculation used to carry €11,650, about five per cent above the published figure. Preparatory teaching: Vipunen, education costs, teaching form Perusopetus, valmistava opetus 2024, and pupils in the 2024/2025 school year. Pupil counts for the group: Statistics Finland 11rt 2025.
Upper secondary€0.10bn€0.40bn
Protection background25.8% of the non-Western row's cost
The student counts are by citizenship, so the group is given its share of the non-Western 15–19-year-olds, 8,578 of 33,278.
Non-Western background6,970 in general upper secondary × €9,113 and 52,425 in vocational × €6,366
Basic education ends at 15, but compulsory education runs to 18 and upper secondary is free. Before this line the calculation priced the group's 16–19-year-olds at nothing. The student counts are measured, and allocated to the group by citizenship: 72.0% of foreign citizens in general upper secondary and 82.6% in vocational education are non-Western. Vocational education also holds adults, not only 16–19-year-olds. The counts are students during the year, so the price is the sector's operating expenditure divided by the students during the year as well. Statistics Finland's own cost per student, €8,289 in vocational education, divides by a smaller count, and priced at it the row was a third too high for vocational education. The price also holds student support services such as the meal subsidy, €152 per student.Students: Statistics Finland 14fd, by generation 2024. Non-Western share: Statistics Finland 13sn, by citizenship 2024. Spending: Statistics Finland 12g6, operating expenditure on education 2024, and general government expenditure by function 12a6, function G0906, 2024.
Tertiary€0.08bn€0.39bn
Protection background19.9% of the non-Western row's cost
The group is given its share of the non-Western 20–29-year-olds, 16,674 of 83,963. Non-Western students in higher education include many degree students from Asia, so the share is an upper bound.
Non-Western background19,023 in universities of applied sciences × €6,954 and 15,135 in universities × €16,719
Tertiary education is free as well and therefore public spending. Of foreign citizens, 81.5% in universities of applied sciences and 76.6% in universities are non-Western, so the item is about residents rather than exchange students. It is different in kind from the others, though: a graduate pays the education back in taxes and is a better than average taxpayer afterwards. A cross-section charges the spending this year and credits none of that return, just as it credits none of the future taxes of native students. The price is the institutions' operating expenditure divided by the students during the year, and it holds student support services.Students: Statistics Finland 14fd, by generation 2024. Non-Western share: Statistics Finland 13sn, by citizenship 2024. Spending: Statistics Finland 12g6, operating expenditure on education 2024, and general government expenditure by function 12a6, function G0906, 2024.
Health care€0.24bn€1.38…1.51bn
Non-Western background124,035 × 0.55, 353,543 × 0.88 and 26,081 × 1.76, all × €3,547, less the specialised-care gap of €131m at the cheap end
€3,547 is health spending per person at a coefficient of one. It is public health spending in 2024, €21.3bn, shared over the whole population at these coefficients, as the age profile of the public finances shares it. The coefficients fit it to the group's age, and they are measured: THL allocated €18.1bn of health and elderly care spending by age group for 2011. Elderly care, €3.1bn for people aged 65 and over, is taken out of the coefficients, because old-age care is an item of its own in the calculation. Without it the coefficient is 0.55 for children, 0.88 for the working-age, 1.51 for 65–74-year-olds and 2.37 for those aged 75 and over. Of the group's 26,081 people aged 65 and over, 29.6% are 75 or older, so their coefficient is 1.76. The row's coefficients used to include care, at 0.44, 0.73 and 2.53. That left children's and working-age spending too low and counted elderly care twice, and the correction raised the row by €0.21bn. The unit was also an unsourced €4,138, 17% above the level of the accounts, and correcting it lowered the row by €0.25bn. Without the coefficients the same calculation would give €1.8bn. A Finnish register study (Vaalavuo et al. 2025) measured the public specialised care of working-age people who arrived in 2008–2010, over 2011–2017. It cost €925 a year for natives, €847 for arrivals from the Middle East, €884 from Africa, €454 from Asia and €515 from Russia or the former Soviet Union. The figures include the costs of pregnancy and childbirth, which are higher for immigrants than for natives. Specialised care is 33% of the row's working-age health spending, and weighted by the group's countries of origin its level is 63% of natives'. The cheap end takes this gap, €131m, off the item and the dear end keeps natives' level. The study covers only working-age people and specialised care, so children, the elderly and primary care stay at same-age use. The figures are plain means of the 2008–2010 arrivals in their first years, and the study finds that earlier arrivals cost more, so the cheap end may understate the use of people who have lived here long. The Ukrainians under temporary protection and the added adults whose background country is the former Soviet Union are priced at the refugee origins' level for their taxes but at their region of birth's measurement for specialised care, because the study measures use by region of birth, not by the ground of entry.Health spending per person: Statistics Finland, general government expenditure by function 12a6. Age coefficients: Kapiainen & Eskelinen, Miesten ja naisten terveysmenot ikäryhmittäin 2011, THL Report 17/2014, tables 3 and 4 and section 4.1. Age split of the over-65s: Statistics Finland 11rt 2025. Specialised care by origin: Vaalavuo, Holster, Skogberg and Kuusinen, Journal of Migration and Health 2025.
Other individual services for adults€0.08bn€0.58bn
Non-Western background379,624 people aged 18 or over × €1,522
General government's social protection spending other than old age, family and cash benefits was €7,014m in 2024: sickness and disability €4,068m, unemployment €479m, social exclusion €1,518m and the rest €949m. It holds disability services, employment services and adult social work. Shared over the people aged 18 and over it comes to €1,522 per adult. The row used to carry an unsourced assumption of €3,500…4,500 per adult, more than twice the measured level. After that the sum was €8,199m, because it was taken as consumption expenditure plus purchased services, although consumption expenditure already holds the purchased services.Statistics Finland, general government expenditure by function 12a6, functions G1001, G1003 and G1005–G1009, total expenditure less cash social benefits (OTES − D62K), 2024.
TE offices€5m€31m
Non-Western background339,735 of working age × €91
The TE offices' operating costs were €287.4m in 2024. They used to be in collective spending, because general government expenditure by function books them under economic affairs, €51 per resident. The TE offices serve jobseekers, though, and their work grows with the number of people of working age. So they are priced as a service, €91 for every person aged 20–64. The group's use above its population share is on the row for the extra work at Kela and the employment services. The services for the unemployed that general government expenditure books under social protection are in the other individual services for adults.State budget 2024, item 32.01.03. Statistics Finland, general government expenditure by function 12a6, function G0401, 2024. Population: Statistics Finland 11rt 2025.
Pre-primary education and before- and after-school activities€0.02bn€0.07bn
Pre-primary education and before- and after-school activities are not in the unit cost of basic education. The operating expenditure of pre-primary education was €8,496 per pupil in 2024. Before- and after-school activities cost €164.0m according to Vipunen, €300 for each pupil in basic education. There were 6,561 foreign-background pre-primary pupils in 2025, and the group is given its share of the foreign-background 0–6-year-olds. The row was missing from the calculation.Statistics Finland 12g7, operating expenditure of pre-primary education per pupil 2024. Vipunen, education costs 2024: before- and after-school activities. Statistics Finland, pre-primary and basic education pupils by origin 15fe, 2024–2025, and population 11rt 2025.
Pre-primary education and before- and after-school activities are not in the unit cost of basic education. The operating expenditure of pre-primary education was €8,496 per pupil in 2024. Before- and after-school activities cost €164.0m according to Vipunen, €300 for each pupil in basic education. There were 6,561 foreign-background pre-primary pupils in 2025, and the group is given its share of the foreign-background 0–6-year-olds. The row was missing from the calculation.Statistics Finland 12g7, operating expenditure of pre-primary education per pupil 2024. Vipunen, education costs 2024: before- and after-school activities. Statistics Finland, pre-primary and basic education pupils by origin 15fe, 2024–2025, and population 11rt 2025.
Culture, sport and other education€0.08bn€0.47bn
Protection background85,205 residents × €927
Libraries, sports facilities, culture and youth work, the recreation, culture and religion function of general government, cost €811 per resident in 2024. Education also leaves €116 per resident that cannot be assigned to a level, such as liberal adult education, research and administration. Neither is recorded by user, so both are shared equally per resident, as in the public finances' age profile. The row was missing from the calculation, although the spending comes to €5.2bn.Statistics Finland, general government expenditure by function 12a6, functions G08 and G0905, G0907 and G0908, 2024.
Non-Western background503,659 residents × €927
Libraries, sports facilities, culture and youth work, the recreation, culture and religion function of general government, cost €811 per resident in 2024. Education also leaves €116 per resident that cannot be assigned to a level, such as liberal adult education, research and administration. Neither is recorded by user, so both are shared equally per resident, as in the public finances' age profile. The row was missing from the calculation, although the spending comes to €5.2bn.Statistics Finland, general government expenditure by function 12a6, functions G08 and G0905, G0907 and G0908, 2024.
Other spendingsixteen items, the rows below€0.26…0.28bn€1.15…1.30bn
Child protection is in the calculation as two rows: the base every child population carries and the part above it. The base is the group's under-18s times the national placement rate of 1.6%, with 17,100 children placed outside the home out of 1.07 million under-18s in 2024. It is multiplied by the cost of child protection per placed child: €1,064m of institutional and foster care and €467m of open care in 2023 over the placed. The national placement rate holds the foreign-background children too, who are placed more often than others, so the majority's placement rate is lower, 1.32…1.38%. The excess is real and large: in Anis & Malin's (2023) register study, 7.5…10.4% of refugee-background children had been placed at least once against 3.6% of the majority, 2.1…2.9 times, and it is on the next row.THL, Lastensuojelu 2024 (statistical report 23/2025): placements and costs. Statistics Finland 11rs: the group's under-18s in 2025. Placement ratios: Anis & Malin (2023), Janus 31(1).
The base is computed at the national placement rate, as on the protection-background row. The group's excess use is on the next row.THL, Lastensuojelu 2024. Statistics Finland 11rs 2025.
Child protection above the population share€53…59m€171…221m
Protection background€43m × 1.2…1.4
Anis and Malin (2023) followed child-welfare placements in the register over 1991–2015. Of the majority's children 3.6% had been placed outside the home at least once, of the first generation of refugee background 7.5% and of the second 10.4%. The ratios are measured against the majority, while the base takes the national placement rate, which is above the majority's. The national rate is the majority's times a factor set by the protection and other non-Western children's share of all under-18s and by their ratios. The factor is 1.16…1.21, with no excess counted for Western-background children. The group's children are placed at the majority's rate times the ratio, and the row is the part of that above the base: the base times the ratio over this factor, less one, 1.2…1.4. On the difference to same-age natives the comparison population's children are placed at the majority's rate, so there the item is the difference between the group's children's placements and theirs, €59…67m. The calculation used to take the national rate in place of the majority's, which made the part above larger. At the cheap end the first generation's 2.1 times and the second generation's 2.9 times are weighted by how many of the group's under-18s were born in Finland, 62%. At the dear end every child takes the second generation's share. The first generation's share of children ever placed is lower also because many came to Finland later in childhood, so the dear end is the reading for full exposure. The excess used to sit inside the services uplift. It is now an item of its own, and Denmark's extra use is not applied to child protection.Anis & Malin, Janus 2023: foreign-background children and youth in child-welfare substitute care 1991–2015. THL, Lastensuojelu 2024.
Non-Western background€43m × 1.2…1.4 and €135m × 0.9…1.2
The protection background's children take the refugee-background ratios, as in the previous column. The other non-Western children's base takes the ratios of other foreign background: 6.0% of the first generation and 9.6% of the second had been placed, 1.7…2.7 times the majority's share. At the cheap end the two generations' ratios are weighted by the share born in Finland, 50% for the other non-Western children. The part above is computed from the majority's placement rate, as in the previous column. On the difference to same-age natives the item is €195…252m.Anis & Malin, Janus 2023. THL, Lastensuojelu 2024. Statistics Finland 11rt 2025.
Extra work at Kela and the employment services€11…12m€67…74m
The row holds the part of two agencies' work that exceeds the foreign-background population's share. Kela made 2,010,013 decisions on basic social assistance in 2025, and one decision costs about €68 with overheads. Foreign-language speakers were 92,000, about a third of the adult recipients, against 11.4% of the population. Kela's other benefits are on the row in the same way. In 2025 Kela made 1,020,240 decisions on unemployment benefits, 719,898 on general housing allowance, 155,267 on child care subsidies, 243,524 on parental allowances, 720,957 on sickness allowances and 143,774 on pensions. Foreign-language speakers were paid €597m of labour market subsidy out of the €2,071m Kela paid the unemployed in 2025, and their share was 27% of general housing allowance, 20% of child care subsidies, 12% of parental allowances and 7% of sickness allowances, and €186m of the €2,362m of national and guarantee pensions. Decisions are not published by language, so the shares are of the euros paid. About 268,000 of the decisions exceed the population share. At the cheap end a decision costs Kela's average, its operating costs of €628.6m over all its 17,390,318 decisions, and at the dear end the €68 of social assistance, which makes the part €10…18m. Of the TE offices' operating costs, €287m in 2024, the foreign background takes its share of the unemployed, 23.1%, less its share of the 15–74-year-olds, 10.4%. The part that matches the population share is in the services. Of the employment services other than integration training foreign citizens take 13.9%, less their population share of 7.3%. People who have become Finnish citizens are not in the foreign citizens' figures, so this part is a floor. The protection background takes its share of the non-Western population, 16.8%, of the non-Western background's part, although it uses social assistance more than others. At the dear end Kela's part is taken off the extra use measured in Denmark, because handling benefits belongs to the same spending on adult services that the extra use is applied to. The employment services' part raises both ends.Kela, annual report 2025 and release of 2 September 2026. Government proposal HE 116/2025. State budget 2024, items 32.01.03 and 32.30.51. Statistics Finland, employment service statistics 12u4 and 12u5, 2024, and labour force survey 15bm, 2024.
The non-Western background takes four fifths of the sum, as of integration training, and the Western background a fifth. At the dear end Kela's part is taken off the extra use measured in Denmark, and the employment services' part raises both ends.Kela, annual report 2025 and release of 2 September 2026. HE 116/2025. State budget 2024. Statistics Finland 12u4 and 12u5.
State-subsidised ARA housing, the part above the population share€5…13m€22…42m
The state housing fund paid interest subsidies of €239.8m in 2024 and €152.0m in 2025, €122.9m of the latter on rental housing loans. In 2024 it also paid start-up grants of €18.3m. State-subsidised rental dwellings housed 481,459 people, 8.75% of the household population. Per resident the support is €255 at the cheap end, from the rental interest subsidy of 2025, and €441 at the dear end, from the interest subsidy and start-up grants of 2024. The interest subsidy follows the interest rate, which is why the years differ this much. Of the foreign-born, 41.8% of those born in Africa and 26.6% of those born in Asia lived in an ARA rental in 2024. The four protection countries' share is 31.0% by region of birth at the cheap end. At the dear end all four take Africa's rate, because people who came from Asia as refugees hardly house like the Asian average. The part of the support that matches the population share is already in collective spending, so the row holds only the part above it.Accounts of the State Housing Fund 2025, tables 5 and 6. Statistics Finland, dwelling-units and household population 116e, 2024, and integration indicators 11eq, 2024.
The group's share living in ARA rentals is 25.3…27.1% by region of birth, against 8.75% of the whole household population. Of the foreign-born, 41.8% of those born in Africa, 26.6% of those born in Asia and 20.5% of those born in Europe outside the EU lived in an ARA rental in 2024. Children born in Finland live with their parents, so they take their parents' share. The row holds only the part above the population share, because the part that matches it is already in collective spending. The Western background's excess is a few million euros and is not counted.Accounts of the State Housing Fund 2025, tables 5 and 6. Statistics Finland 116e and 11eq, 2024.
Tuition fees, deducted0−€69…−35m
Protection background
People granted protection or temporary protection pay no tuition fees.
Non-Western background
Degree students from outside the EU and the EEA have paid tuition fees since 2017. In 2024, 18,213 students in higher education were liable to pay them. In 2022, 10,390 students were liable, and the fees brought the institutions €45.0m after waivers and scholarships, €4,331 per liable student. At that level the liable students of 2024 paid about €79m. The calculation otherwise credits general government's sales revenue per adult, or by the use of the services at the dearest reading, but tuition fees are paid by the group's own students, whose teaching is spending on the tertiary row. The most favourable reading counts every liable student as resident, and the dearest leaves out the 8,185 higher-education students whose origin is not in the population data, which leaves 55 per cent resident. 95 per cent of the liable students are counted as non-Western. The item is net of the share of the fees the group already gets in the shared revenue. People granted protection pay no tuition fees.Arene, press release 4 December 2025: fee-liable students 2024. Government proposal HE 51/2024 vp: tuition fee revenue and fee-liable students 2022. Statistics Finland 14fd, 2024.
Adult basic education€7m€40m
Protection background
€49.8m nationally in 2024. Adult basic education is for people who hold no basic education certificate, so it is in practice entirely the teaching of immigrants. The group's share is not measured, so both ends take its share of the non-Western population, 16.8%, of the non-Western background's 80%, as integration training does. The lack of basic schooling is concentrated in the refugee-origin countries, so the share may be on the low side. The high end used to be the whole non-Western share, 80%, which left the other non-Western background no adult basic education at all at the dear end.Vipunen, education costs, teaching form Perusopetus, aikuisten perusopetus 2024.
Non-Western background
€49.8m nationally in 2024. Adult basic education is for people who hold no basic education certificate, so it is in practice entirely the teaching of immigrants. The share allocated to the group is 80%, the same as its share of the foreign-background population.Vipunen, education costs, teaching form Perusopetus, aikuisten perusopetus 2024.
Preparatory teaching€14m€59m
Protection background
€74.3m nationally in 2024, in practice entirely immigration-related. Allocated to the group at its share of non-Western 0–19-year-olds, 33,271 of 137,843 or 24.1%, of the non-Western background's 80%. Children from the refugee-origin countries are probably over-represented among new arrivals, but the share is not measured.Vipunen, education costs, teaching form Perusopetus, valmistava opetus 2024, and pupils in the 2024/2025 school year.
Non-Western background
€74.3m nationally in 2024, 10,792 pupils and €6,884 per pupil. Preparatory teaching for basic education is for newly arrived pupils, so the item is in practice entirely immigration-related. 80% is allocated to the group, the same as its share of the foreign-background population.Vipunen, education costs, teaching form Perusopetus, valmistava opetus 2024, and pupils in the 2024/2025 school year.
Own-mother-tongue teaching€2.3m€9.4m
Protection background
About €11.8m nationally. No euro total is published, so it is built from the state grant's own rule: 24,827 pupils in the autumn of 2025, a grant for at most two weekly hours per calculated group of four pupils, a calculated cost of €25 an hour and a 38-week school year, which is €475 per pupil a year. The state pays at most 86 per cent as a grant and the municipality the rest, so the whole sum is public money. The hourly rate is administrative and a teaching hour costs more, so the figure is a floor. Allocated to the group at its share of non-Western 0–19-year-olds, 24.1%, of the non-Western background's 80%.Finnish National Agency for Education, participants in own-mother-tongue teaching 2025 (from the grant applications), and the 2024 general grant's terms.
Non-Western background
About €11.8m nationally. No euro total is published, so it is built from the state grant's own rule: 24,827 pupils in the autumn of 2025, a grant for at most two weekly hours per calculated group of four pupils, a calculated cost of €25 an hour and a 38-week school year, which is €475 per pupil a year. The state pays at most 86 per cent as a grant and the municipality the rest, so the whole sum is public money. The hourly rate is administrative and a teaching hour costs more, so the figure is a floor. Allocated at 80 per cent, as the other teaching items are. The language table supports the share: in the autumn of 2025, 23 per cent of the pupils studied an EU or other Western language.Finnish National Agency for Education, participants in own-mother-tongue teaching 2025 (from the grant applications), and the 2024 general grant's terms.
Supplementary second-language teaching€2.8m€11.5m
Protection background€14.3m × 80% × 24.1%
Municipalities give supplementary teaching in Finnish or Swedish and support in the other subjects during the first years of basic education. The state pays a grant for at most three weekly hours per calculated group of four pupils, for at most six years. The grant had €22,475,000 in 2024 together with own-mother-tongue teaching, and it covers at most 86 per cent of the calculated costs, so the costs are at least €26.1m. Less the most that own-mother-tongue teaching can take, at least €14.3m is left for this teaching. The figure is a floor for the same reason as own-mother-tongue teaching's. The Finnish-as-a-second-language syllabus taught in the mother-tongue lessons is not here, because it is in the unit cost of basic education. Allocated to the group at its share of non-Western 0–19-year-olds, 24.1%, of the non-Western background's 80%.Finnish National Agency for Education, general grant for the teaching of foreign-language and Sámi- and Romani-speaking pupils and students 2024: appropriation and terms.
Non-Western background€14.3m × 80%
Municipalities give supplementary teaching in Finnish or Swedish and support in the other subjects during the first years of basic education. The state pays a grant for at most three weekly hours per calculated group of four pupils, for at most six years. The grant had €22,475,000 in 2024 together with own-mother-tongue teaching, and it covers at most 86 per cent of the calculated costs, so the costs are at least €26.1m. Less the most that own-mother-tongue teaching can take, at least €14.3m is left for this teaching. The figure is a floor for the same reason as own-mother-tongue teaching's. The Finnish-as-a-second-language syllabus taught in the mother-tongue lessons is not here, because it is in the unit cost of basic education. Allocated at 80 per cent, as the other teaching items are.Finnish National Agency for Education, general grant for the teaching of foreign-language and Sámi- and Romani-speaking pupils and students 2024: appropriation and terms.
Integration training€11m€68m
Protection background
Integration training bought by the employment administration €68.4m and the language and integration courses of liberal adult education €16.8m, €85.2m in all in the 2024 budget. Allocated to the group at its share of the non-Western population, 16.8%, of the non-Western background's 80%. Participants are new arrivals, and in 2023 and 2024 the largest group were people who fled Ukraine, so the population share is an assumption rather than a measurement.State budget 2024, moments 32.30.51 (public employment and business services, estimated use of the appropriation) and 29.10.31 (state grants for liberal adult education).
Non-Western background
Integration training bought by the employment administration €68.4m, 1.3 million student days, and the language and integration courses of liberal adult education €16.8m, €85.2m in all in the 2024 budget. From the start of 2025 the responsibility moved to municipalities and the money runs inside the state share, so 2024 is the last year in which the item shows as a line of its own. 80% is allocated to the group.State budget 2024, moments 32.30.51 (public employment and business services, estimated use of the appropriation) and 29.10.31 (state grants for liberal adult education).
Old-age care€8m€102m
Protection background2,153 × €3,512
The spending of the old-age function of general government was €42,720m in 2024. Of it €35,111m was pensions and other cash benefits, which leaves €7,609m for services. Care spending rises steeply with age: according to THL, care cost 9.1 times as much per person for people aged 75 and over as for 65–74-year-olds. Shared over the country's people aged 65 and over at that ratio, it comes to €1,154 per person aged 65–74 and €10,486 per person aged 75 and over. Of the group's over-65s 25.3% are 75 or older, against 49.1% in the whole country, which gives €3,512 per person. Pensions are not here but in the transfers. Use is assumed to be the same as for people of the same age, and care is taken out of the health row's coefficients. The item used to be taken as consumption expenditure plus purchased services, €8,115m, although consumption expenditure already holds the purchased services.Statistics Finland, general government expenditure by function 12a6, function G1002 old age, total expenditure less cash social benefits (OTES − D62K), 2024. Population: Statistics Finland 11rt, people aged 65 and over in 2025. Care by age: THL Report 17/2014, section 4.1 and table 4.
Non-Western background26,081 × €3,914
The spending of the old-age function of general government was €42,720m in 2024. Of it €35,111m was pensions and other cash benefits, which leaves €7,609m for services. Care spending rises steeply with age: according to THL, care cost 9.1 times as much per person for people aged 75 and over as for 65–74-year-olds. Shared over the country's people aged 65 and over at that ratio, it comes to €1,154 per person aged 65–74 and €10,486 per person aged 75 and over. Of the group's over-65s 29.6% are 75 or older, against 49.1% in the whole country, which gives €3,914 per person. Pensions are not here but in the transfers. Use is assumed to be the same as for people of the same age, and care is taken out of the health row's coefficients. The item used to be taken as consumption expenditure plus purchased services, €8,115m, although consumption expenditure already holds the purchased services.Statistics Finland, general government expenditure by function 12a6, function G1002 old age, total expenditure less cash social benefits (OTES − D62K), 2024. Population: Statistics Finland 11rt, people aged 65 and over in 2025. Care by age: THL Report 17/2014, section 4.1 and table 4.
The justice system above the population share€19…28m€37…53m
Protection background
The calculation is the same as for the non-Western background. The four refugee origins' share of the foreign background's excess is 41.5% at both ends, 51.9% of the non-Western background's part. Each background region's suspects are shared among its countries by population: Iraq and Syria belong to West Asia, Somalia to Sub-Saharan Africa and Afghanistan to the group the statistics call Western Europe, which also holds South Asia. The high end used to charge the group the whole excess of West Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, 67%. That took the excess from the other non-Western background, which the calculator adds to this group, so the other non-Western background's item fell towards the high end. So the group now takes the same share at both ends, as it does of interpreting and adult basic education. The calculation used to take those two regions' 35% share of suspects, but that was neither the share of the excess nor an upper bound.Institute of Criminology and Legal Policy, Reviews 68/2025, appendix 1. Statistics Finland crime statistics 13z4, 2024, and population structure 11rt. The site's calculation.
Non-Western background
Police, courts and criminal sanctions spent €894…1,285m on crime in 2023, leaving out the district courts' and the police's interpreting, which is on the interpreting row in full. The low end takes the police's crime prevention, the high end its surveillance and alert operations as well, and both take the courts' criminal cases and the prosecutors, €164m, and the Criminal Sanctions Agency, €268m. The foreign background's share of crime suspects was 5.2 percentage points above its share of the population. The part of the spending that matches the population share is already inside collective spending, and the part above it is €46…67m. The average and the marginal cost take the excess as measured, because they price the group with its age and sex structure. The difference to same-age natives takes it standardised for age and sex at both ends, €20…29m, of which the group's share is €16…23m. The standardisation uses foreign citizens' overrepresentation in all offences among permanent residents (Statistics Finland 13yy and 11rg). Age and sex explain about three fifths of it in 2024 and about three quarters in 2025, and the calculation keeps 43 per cent of the excess. For violent offences age and sex explain less than half of the gap. If crime-related spending leans towards violence, the standardised excess is therefore on the low side. By background region about four fifths of the excess comes from non-Western countries, so 80% is allocated to this group and the rest to the Western background.Institute of Criminology and Legal Policy, Reviews 68/2025, appendix 1. Statistics Finland crime statistics 13z4, 2024. The site's calculation.
How the excess is worked out
The spending that arises from crime comes from the own accounts of the police, the courts, the prosecutors and the Criminal Sanctions Agency for 2023, as the Institute of Criminology and Legal Policy's review 68/2025 collects them. People of foreign background were 16.3% of crime suspects and 11.1% of the population in 2024.
The base used to be general government spending in the functions police, courts and prisons, €2,710m in 2024. The police function, €1,762m, holds the Border Guard, among others, beside the police's €998m, and the Border Guard cannot be keyed to suspects. The police's permit services, €139m, and the courts' non-criminal cases are no work that crime causes.
A suspect is not a convict. Suspicion records are the earliest stage of the process, but they are the only source that covers the police workload by background. Measured by prisoners the share would be higher: 22.9% of prisoners are foreign citizens, so on that count the calculation is conservative.
Age and sex structure explains about three fifths of foreign citizens' overrepresentation in all offences in 2024 and about three quarters in 2025 (permanent residents, Statistics Finland 13yy and 11rg). For violent offences it explains less than half. The difference to same-age natives uses the standardised excess, and the average and the marginal cost use the excess as measured, because they price the group as it is.
In the average-cost calculation the part that matches the population share is already inside collective spending. The item is therefore only the part above it.
Losses to victims of crime, insurance payouts and private security are not public spending, and they are not recorded by an offender's background. Victims' health care is inside the health care row.
The Immigration Service and voluntary return€21m€56…79m
Protection background
The row's figures are the outturn of 2025. The Immigration Service's net spending was €102.7m after permit fees, because its moment is net-budgeted. The sum also pays for the state reception centres and detention units, €20.1m. They belong to the applicant phase, which leaves €82.7m for the agency's processing. Voluntary return costs €2m. The fee-paying processing cost €65.7m, and the permit fees covered €36.6m of it, 56%. The state paid €29.1m beyond the permit fees. The rest of the processing, €53.5m, is free of charge, mostly asylum and temporary protection. The group is charged the four refugee origins' share of the asylum applications of 2024 and 2025, 38.5%, of the free processing and of voluntary return, the key the applicant phase gives removals, legal aid and appeals. Processing costs the agency for a negative decision as well, so the key is applications rather than positive decisions. The free processing also holds temporary protection, whose beneficiaries are in the other non-Western background. The key charges the group the whole of the free processing as if it were asylum work, which is the dearer of the two readings, because the split of the free processing between asylum and temporary protection is not published. The group used to be charged the four refugee origins' share of positive asylum decisions in 2022–2025, 58.7%, of the free processing, and voluntary return in full. Before that, the group was charged the humanitarian share of the number of the agency's decisions, 22.3%, but the number of decisions says nothing about costs: the free processing is 65% of the cost of the agency's processing.State budget, moments 26.40.01 and 26.40.22. Net spending and permit fees: budget proposal 2027, moment 26.40.01, the 2025 outturn and the cost-recovery statement of the chargeable services. The reception part: budget proposal 2027, chapter 26.40, total reception costs 2025. Distribution of decisions: Finnish Immigration Service statistics 2024.
Non-Western background
The row's figures are the outturn of 2025. The Immigration Service's net spending was €102.7m after permit fees, because its moment is net-budgeted. The sum also pays for the state reception centres and detention units, €20.1m. They belong to the applicant phase, which leaves €82.7m for the agency's processing. Voluntary return costs €2m. The fee-paying processing cost €65.7m, and the permit fees covered €36.6m of it, 56%. The state paid €29.1m beyond the permit fees. The rest of the processing, €53.5m, is free of charge, mostly asylum and temporary protection, which concern this group almost entirely. The low end of the range is the free processing and voluntary return. The high end adds 80% of what the state pays towards the fee-paying processing. The low end used to be the humanitarian share of the number of the agency's decisions, 22.3%, but the number of decisions says nothing about costs: the free processing is 65% of the cost of the agency's processing.State budget, moments 26.40.01 and 26.40.22. Net spending and permit fees: budget proposal 2027, moment 26.40.01, the 2025 outturn and the cost-recovery statement of the chargeable services. The reception part: budget proposal 2027, chapter 26.40, total reception costs 2025. Distribution of decisions: Finnish Immigration Service statistics 2024.
Interpreting€7m€41m
Protection background
The reception system and reception allowance, €239m, used to be on this line. They do not belong in this calculation: the money is spent on asylum applicants while their applications are processed, before they are part of the resident population whose cost the calculation measures, and those refused never are. Interpreting stays, because it is spent in the services residents use. The total for interpreting is €51.9m for 2024. Of it, €35.3m is purchases by the wellbeing services counties, HUS and Helsinki's social and health services, €4.8m purchases by the other services of the ten cities with the most foreign-language residents, €3.0m interpreting by the employment offices and €2.7m by Kela, €3.8m interpreting in the district courts in 2024 and €2.2m by the police in 2023. The cities' figures include Swedish translation, and the other municipalities' interpreting is missing from them. The district courts' and the police's interpreting used to be inside the justice system's spending, of which the group is charged only the part above its population share, although nearly all interpreting is for foreign-language speakers. It is now taken out of the justice base and is on this row in full. The Immigration Service's interpreting is on the agency's row. The interpreting that the state's integration compensation pays for is inside those purchases, so it is taken off the compensation's row. The protection background takes its share of the non-Western population, 16.8%, at both ends. It used to take the whole non-Western share, which left the other non-Western background no interpreting at all.Interpreting: Yle 19 May 2025 and its charts, interpreting and translation purchases, 2024. District courts and police: MTV News, 8 May 2025, from the courts and the police departments. Reception: moments 26.40.21 and 26.40.63, state final accounts.
Non-Western background
The reception system and reception allowance, €239m, used to be on this line. They do not belong in this calculation: the money is spent on asylum applicants while their applications are processed, before they are part of the resident population whose cost the calculation measures, and those refused never are. Interpreting stays, because it is spent in the services residents use, and 80% of it is allocated to the group. The total for interpreting is €51.9m for 2024. Of it, €35.3m is purchases by the wellbeing services counties, HUS and Helsinki's social and health services, €4.8m purchases by the other services of the ten cities with the most foreign-language residents, €3.0m interpreting by the employment offices and €2.7m by Kela, €3.8m interpreting in the district courts in 2024 and €2.2m by the police in 2023. The cities' figures include Swedish translation, and the other municipalities' interpreting is missing from them. The district courts' and the police's interpreting used to be inside the justice system's spending, of which the group is charged only the part above its population share, although nearly all interpreting is for foreign-language speakers. It is now taken out of the justice base and is on this row in full. The Immigration Service's interpreting is on the agency's row. The interpreting that the state's integration compensation pays for is inside those purchases, so it is taken off the compensation's row.Interpreting: Yle 19 May 2025 and its charts, interpreting and translation purchases, 2024. District courts and police: MTV News, 8 May 2025, from the courts and the police departments. Reception: moments 26.40.21 and 26.40.63, state final accounts.
Organisation grants and integration programmes–€19…23m
Non-Western background
STEA awarded €273.9m in grants for 2026, of which €17.3…20.4m went to work with immigrants, 6.3…7.5% of the total. The low end counts grants whose target group is named in the organisation's name or in the opening clause of the purpose, the high end every grant that mentions it anywhere. On top of that comes the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment's own programme appropriation for promoting integration and work-based immigration, €2.1m in 2025. The item is real but small, four hundredths of the services item, and it is counted in the marginal cost. The Ministry of Education and Culture's budget has no line earmarked for immigration or multiculturalism at all. Its money runs inside general appropriations, the largest of which are the state share of pre-primary and basic education €622.8m, arts and culture grants €93.9m and the promotion of youth work €32.1m in 2025. The share would show only in individual grant decisions, which are not published as data. The education appropriation would not be an addition in any case, because it funds the same teaching the education item already prices.STEA grant register, avustukset.stea.fi, application year 2026, filtering repo_support/measure_org_grants.js. Moments 32.50.03, 29.10.30, 29.80.50 and 29.91.50, 2025 outturns, budget proposal 2027, Ministry of Finance position.
Integration compensation to municipalities and wellbeing services counties€53m€336m
Protection background€335.9m × 26.8% × 58.7%
The calculated compensation is paid for 12,063 refugees and 33,017 people under temporary protection, so refugees are 26.8% of them. The four refugee origins made up 58.7% of positive asylum decisions in 2022–2025. What the item holds is explained in the non-Western column.State budget 2026, moment 32.50.30, estimated use of the appropriation. Positive asylum decisions: Finnish Immigration Service, tilastot.migri.fi, 2022–2025.
The state compensates municipalities and wellbeing services counties for the services of refugees and people under temporary protection in their first years. With the calculated compensation, €164.5m, municipalities and counties arrange the reception, the assessment of skills and service needs, the integration plan, guidance and counselling of 12,063 refugees and 33,017 people under temporary protection. The compensation for special costs, €115.2m, pays for long-term social and health care that a disability or illness requires, and for children's special support in early childhood education and school. The third part, €65.2m, pays for the housing and support of those who arrived as unaccompanied minors, up to the age of 25. The calculated compensation also pays for integration training and interpreting, which have rows of their own in the calculation, so their shares, €24.8m and €11.8m, are taken off. The moment's social assistance, €3.9m, is not on the row, because it is inside the measured transfers. The calculation used to leave the compensation out, on the view that the services item priced the same services. The services item prices them only at the dear end, where services are raised by the extra use measured in Denmark. At the cheap end services are at same-age use, and guidance, counselling and the care of unaccompanied minors were nowhere in the calculation. So the compensation is now an item of its own. At the dear end the calculated compensation is taken off the extra use measured in Denmark, because it pays for the same services. The special costs and the minors' part are not taken off, because they also pay for health care, early childhood education and child protection, which the extra use does not cover, and their split is not published. Part of the special costs pays for the same services, though, such as special support at school and social care, so the dear end may count that part twice. At the cheap end working-age specialised care is at the level a Finnish register study measured, and the study measured arrivals in the very years the special costs are reimbursed. So the cheap end may also count twice the part of the special costs that pays for specialised care. The parts are the 2026 budget's itemisation. The calculation prices the population of 2025, and the moment paid €377.7m in 2025, against €349.7m in the budget's itemisation. The outturn is not itemised, so every part is scaled to it, 8.0% above the budget. The formula's parts are the scaled ones, the training and interpreting deducted at the budgets' own amounts.State budget 2026, moment 32.50.30, estimated use of the appropriation. Integration training: budget proposal 2027, interpreting: budget proposal 2025, the same moment. Act on the Promotion of Integration 681/2023, sections 61, 62, 65 and 69.
Collective spending that grows with the population€0.29bn€1.7bn
Non-Western background503,659 people × €3,359
Collective spending is measured by function. General government expenditure per person in 2024 was €2,346 in economic affairs, of which transport €1,370, €648 in public order and safety, €258 in housing and community amenities and €107 in environmental protection. The TE offices, €51 per resident, are taken out of economic affairs, because they serve jobseekers and are in the services. This spending grows with the population: one more resident uses the roads and public transport, and the work of the police, the rescue services and the courts grows with the number of residents. So marginal cost charges it per resident, €3,359, as the US National Academies' report (NASEM 2016) and the site's lifetime calculator do. The two ends are the same, because these functions hold no debt service and no foreign aid. The individual functions, health care, education and social protection, are not here but on lines of their own, and general public services and defence are on the average cost's row.Statistics Finland, general government expenditure by function 12a6, functions G03–G06, total consolidated expenditure per person 2024. TE offices: state budget 2024, item 32.01.03. Method: NASEM 2016, chapter 8.
Effect on other people's wages and employmentan assumption, dear end only€0…23m€0…201m
Immigration can weaken other people's wages and employment, which lowers tax revenue and raises transfers. The effect for the whole country has not been measured, so at the cheap end there is no effect. Lifting labour market testing in North Karelia harmed no one measurably, and in Sutton's main estimate high earners' earnings rose by more euros than low earners' fell. At the dear end the wages of the less educated are 5% lower and their unemployment rate 1 percentage point higher than without immigration. In the Finnish studies the most exposed lost 7–15% of their earnings, but not all of the less educated compete with arrivals. The unit prices come from the site's example calculation. The whole effect, €267m, is shared out by each group's share of the foreign-background employed, because it arises in work. The protection background's share is 8%. The reconciliation with the accounts leaves the row out, because other people's lost taxes and added transfers are inside their own figures in the accounts. The assumption can be set in the cost calculator.Sutton 2025 (JFEA), Kuosmanen and Meriläinen 2025 (JHR), Labore working papers 352 and 365. Unit prices: the site's example calculation, model repo_support/model_labour_sensitivity.js. Employed: Statistics Finland 115t 2023.
The non-Western background's share of the foreign-background employed is 75%, and the rest falls on the Western background.As in the previous column.
Shared revenue without the property income of the state and the municipalities+€0.53…0.55bn+€3.9…4.0bn
Non-Western background365,816 adults × €5,695…7,628, to those aged 65 and over €0.02…0.14bn, by income €1.22…1.72bn and at the dear end fees by use −€64m
General government also collects revenue that no row above assigns to anyone. Per resident in 2024 it was corporate tax €1,260, property and other taxes €752, fees and sales €3,145, property income such as interest and dividends €1,964 and other revenue €427. Of VAT and production taxes, a further €3,148…3,948 per resident is left beyond the part households pay themselves at the household budget survey's shares. That is the part paid on public purchases and by businesses. The group pays part of this revenue indirectly, such as the client fees for services and the production taxes that pass into prices, so both the marginal and the average cost credit it to the group. The revenue is not divided evenly per resident but by Dustmann and Frattini's (2014) rules. Corporate tax, fees, property income and other revenue go per adult, €5,695…7,628 per adult in all. The dearest reading, though, gives the individual services' fees and sales, €6,976m for health care, education, old-age care, family services and the other social services, by the use of the services at the group's age structure, as the public finances' age profile shares the services' spending. That gives the non-Western background €64m less, because it is young and uses little old-age care, whose client fees are the largest. The protection background gets €11m more, because it has many children per adult. Of the property income, €5,823m is the return on the earnings-related pension institutions' investments, which pays the pensions already accrued. The most favourable reading shares it per adult and the dearest over the people aged 65 and over, who draw the pensions now. The rest of the property income is the return on the assets of the state and the municipalities, and it is on a row of its own under the average cost. Inheritance and gift tax, €1,273m, goes to the people aged 65 and over, as it is raised on their estates. Corporate tax is taken net of the foreign owners' share, 24%, which is foreign-owned enterprises' share of company turnover. Production taxes follow disposable income, 13.2…16.5% of it, because the taxes businesses pay pass into prices. The other property taxes go per adult at the cheapest reading, €635, and by factor income at the dearest, 2.2% of it. For the whole population the same rules give a deficit of €15.8…17.4bn a year at average cost, against an actual deficit of €12.3bn in 2024. Two known items explain most of the difference. The foreign owners' share of corporate tax, €1.7bn, is credited to no resident. Taxes minus transfers as the register measures them come to €2.5bn less for the whole population than the national accounts' direct taxes and contributions of households minus their cash benefits. The register measures only full-year residents, so it lacks, for example, the taxes and benefits of those who died or moved during the year and the pensions paid abroad. At the dearest reading €0.9bn of the difference is left. It comes mostly from two items: employer contributions are computed on the register's wages, which fall short of the accounts' wage bill, and the service rows' spending is in all slightly above the accounts' spending. The cheapest reading leaves out both the interest on public debt and the property income of the state and the municipalities, which are nearly as large, so it comes no closer.Statistics Finland, general government revenue 15ah and taxes 15aj, 2024, and foreign affiliates in Finland 13ws, 2024. Income from VATT Datahuone 1/2026, table B2, moved to 2024 with integration indicators tables 14t6 and 11q4. Households' VAT: household budget survey 2022, excise household budget survey 2016. Method: Dustmann and Frattini 2014, table A2.
Marginal cost, spending minus revenue€1.0…1.1bn€0.7…2.0bn
Non-Western backgroundall the spending above minus taxes, transfers, employer contributions and the share of shared revenue
Marginal cost answers the question of how much public finances change because of the group, when the pure public goods such as defence are assumed to stay as they are. It counts the spending that grows with the population and the revenue the group brings, its share of shared revenue included. That is how the US National Academies' report (NASEM 2016) and the site's lifetime calculator define marginal cost. The ends of the range in full: the low end 4.40 + 0.04 + 0.06 + 0.01 + 0.01 + 0.07 + 0.10 + 0.04 + 0.06 + 0.04 + 0.02 + 0.34 + 0.17 + 0.18 + 0.07 + 0.02 − 0.07 − 0.97 − 1.58 + 1.69 − 4.03 = 0.65 and the high end 4.66 + 0.04 + 0.06 + 0.01 + 0.01 + 0.07 + 0.10 + 0.05 + 0.08 + 0.04 + 0.02 + 0.34 + 0.22 + 0.18 + 0.07 + 0.04 − 0.03 − 0.49 − 1.48 + 1.69 − 3.87 = 2.02 €bn, in order services, adult basic education, preparatory teaching, own-mother-tongue teaching, supplementary second-language teaching, integration training, old-age care, the justice system, the Immigration Service, interpreting, organisation grants, the integration compensation, child protection above the population share, the child-protection base, the extra work at Kela and the employment services, ARA housing above the population share and the tuition fees deducted, then the gap in taxes and transfers and the employer contributions deducted, the collective spending that grows with the population added, and finally the share of shared revenue without the property income of the state and the municipalities deducted. The range is wide because its ends combine the least and most favourable assumptions: at the low end services are at their cheapest and the tax take at its largest, at the high end the reverse. Marginal cost used to leave out all collective spending and all shared revenue, the fees the group pays for the services it uses among them, and so came out above the average cost. The pure public goods and the property income of the state and the municipalities are on the next rows.The calculation's own combination of the rows above. Method: NASEM 2016, chapter 8, and the site's lifetime calculation.
Pure public goods, general public services and defence€0.23…0.36bn€1.6…2.2bn
Non-Western background503,659 people × €3,349…4,274, at the cheap end defence and the EU payment by income, −€117m
General public services cost €3,513 per person in 2024 and defence €761. They are pure public goods, which do not grow with one more resident, so marginal cost leaves them out. Average cost shares them evenly across the whole population, as the Danish Ministry of Finance does, €3,349…4,274 per resident. The low end leaves out public debt service €810 and foreign aid €115, neither of which grows with one more resident. For the same reason the low end credits none of the property income of the state and the municipalities, the return on the public assets that stand against the debt. Defence, €4,277m, and the EU payment based on gross national income with its corrections, €1,584m, follow national output rather than the number of residents: NATO's target sets defence spending as a share of GDP, and the EU payment is computed from gross national income. The low end therefore shares them by factor income, 4.6% of it, which gives the group €117m less of them than a share per resident. The high end shares them per resident. Marginal cost charges none of them, as the US National Academies' definition has it, although on the ledger's own assumption the group's earnings raise them. Charged by factor income they would add about €0.4bn to the non-Western background's marginal cost, of which the EU payment is about €0.1bn, about €0.03bn to the protection background's and about €0.2bn to the Western background's.Statistics Finland, general government expenditure by function 12a6, functions G01–G02, total consolidated expenditure per person 2024. EU payments: Ministry of Finance, Finland's EU payments 2024. Method: Finansministeriet 2021, NASEM 2016.
Property income of the state and the municipalities€0.00…0.06bn€0.00…0.43bn
Non-Western background365,816 adults × 0…€1,162
The property income of the state and the municipalities, €5,215m in 2024, is the return on public assets, and the public assets stand against the public debt. The average cost credits it per adult at the dear end, €1,162, because it charges the interest on the debt there as well. The cheapest reading credits it to no one, because it leaves the interest out. Marginal cost does not credit it at all, because it charges no debt interest. The site's lifetime calculator does the same.Statistics Finland, general government revenue 15ah and property income by subsector 15ac, 2024.
Average cost€1.2…1.4bn€2.2…3.7bn
How the marginal and the average cost are computedopens the formula and a chart
How much do public finances change because of the group, when the pure public goods such as defence are assumed to stay as they are?
Spending that grows with the populationPublic services+Other spending+Collective spending that grows with the population+Effect on other people's wages and employment−Revenue the group bringsTaxes minus transfers+Employer contributions+Shared revenue=Marginal cost
And if the group is also given its share of the pure public goods, such as defence and the interest on the debt, and of the property income of the state and the municipalities?
Marginal cost+The group's share of the pure public goodsPure public goods−The group's share of the state's and the municipalities' property incomeProperty income of the state and the municipalities=Average cost
Protection background88,102 people
Non-Western background523,432 people
Per person per yearthe whole group, children included, as the divisor€14,000…16,700/yr€4,400…7,400/yr
Protection background
The denominator is the whole group, children included, not only adults. Per adult the figure would be larger, but then children's services would be charged to a group that does not use them.Statistics Finland 11rt, 88,102 people in 2025. The divisor is 85,205, with the people who have probably left the country taken off.
Non-Western background
Average cost of €2.2…3.7bn over 503,659 people. The 19,773 who have probably left the country are taken off the register's 523,432.
The same calculation over time
At the native age structurenon-Western background, €2.2…3.7bn at average cost now€4.0…5.7bn/yr
A cross-section measures the group as it is now, and now it is young. Of the non-Western background population 5.1% are 65 or over, against 26.2% of the native-background population. Old-age spending is Finland's largest single public expense, so the difference is large. Here the same group is reweighted to the native age structure to see what happens to the figure.
The method: the group's roughly 503,700 people present are split like the native population into the under-20s, the 20–64s and the 65s and over, and as large a share of the 65s and over is 75 or older as in the whole country. The group would then hold about 106,000 more people aged 65 and over, 39,800 fewer under 20 and 66,300 fewer of working age. Each age band is priced on the same lines as in the cross-section: services by age, old-age care, taxes and transfers, employer contributions and the shared revenue.
Spending on services rises by €0.46…0.53bn a year, because health care and old-age care cost more for a person of 65 or over than education and other services cost for a child or a person of working age. The larger change is in revenue. Taxes and employer contributions net of transfers bring in €1.6…2.5bn a year less, because there are fewer people of working age and more pensioners. The group is credited €0.3…1.0bn more of the shared revenue, because it has more adults and inheritance tax goes to the people aged 65 and over. At the dear end the pension institutions' property income goes to them as well.
The ends of the range come from pensions and from the cross-section's own choices. At the low end the people aged 65 and over receive as much in transfers net of taxes as the group's present over-65s, €12,410 a year. At the high end they receive the Finnish-background level, €20,075, because a whole career in Finland would earn a larger earnings-related pension. The other choices are those at the ends of the cross-section's range.
The group-specific items, such as interpreting, integration training and the Immigration Service's work, stay as they are, because they follow arrival, not age. The child protection and teaching items change with the number of children. The effect on other people's wages and employment is as in the cross-section.
This is not a lifecycle calculation. It does not follow one arrival from arrival to death and does not model the second generation's own contribution. It answers one question: how much of the current figure is explained by the group being young.
A true lifecycle calculation does not follow from this data. Statistics Finland publishes income and employment by origin in three age bands only, 0–17, 18–64 and 65–, and three bands do not make an earnings arc. VATT's project for the Ministry of Finance promises a finer breakdown in 2027.
The adjustment also runs the other way in time. Today's over-65s paid their contributions somewhere, and part of this group's future pensions is accruing only now. A cross-section sees neither.
As the group growsnon-Western background in 2035, at today's cost per person€3.7…6.3bn/yr
A cross-section prices the group as it is now. In the site's population projection the foreign-background population is about 886,000 in 2030 and about 1,114,000 in 2035, with net migration held at the 2021–2025 average of about 39,000 people a year. If the non-Western background keeps its present 79% share and the cost per person stays at today's level, the average cost is €3.0…5.0bn a year in 2030 and €3.7…6.3bn in 2035.
The calculation is mechanical and shows only the effect of the group's size. The cost per person changes over time. New arrivals are in work less often than the average in their first years, which raises it. The group's ageing raises it later, and the native-age-structure row above shows the order of that. The growing share of those born in Finland lowers it.
The population projection is the site's own, not Statistics Finland's forecast. It holds net migration, fertility and mortality at their present levels.
Revenue is at the 2024 level, and 2024 was a year of weak employment. From 2023 to 2024 the employment rate of the foreign-born fell by 0.4–1.5 percentage points by region and that of the Finland-born by 0.1. Money is at 2024 values, and the calculation leaves out economic growth.
Lifecycle, difference to natives of the same ageprotection background, the people already here, €1,000 per person€602…637k per person
A cross-section charges a child for school and day care and credits nothing for the taxes that child pays as an adult. Here the same group of 88,102 people is run forward year by year with mortality until the last of them is gone. Every year of life is priced as in the lifetime calculator, and the figure is the difference to a native population of the same age and sex.
The method: the population is split into single-year cohorts and each is followed to age 100 on Statistics Finland's life table. Every year of life is priced with the lifetime calculator's engine, which allocates all general government spending and revenue by age. The same run is made for a native population of the same age and sex, and the figure is the difference between the two. The figures are undiscounted, with the figure at a 2 per cent discount rate beside them. The rate is the central 3 per cent of the US National Academies (NASEM) less the 1 per cent annual productivity growth of their calculation, because in this frame wages and spending stay at the 2024 level with no growth.
The difference is the only interpretable figure. Collective spending is the same per head in both runs and cancels, so the difference is the same at average and at marginal cost. What remains is the gap in employment and wages and what it does to taxes, employer contributions, consumption taxes and transfers, the smaller earnings-related pension, the group's measured extra use of services, and the transfers calibrated to VATT's measurement.
At the group's employment and wage the frame's rules give its adults a gap in taxes and transfers of only €7,588, where VATT measured €13,369. The difference is added as a transfer, €6,387 a year at ages 20–64, and those born in Finland carry 24% of it. With it the first year of the calculation gives a difference of €1.2…1.3bn, against €1.2…1.3bn in the annual calculation. Without the calibration the first year would be €1.0…1.1bn.
The group's employment is the measured 39.3% of people with a background in the four refugee origins, Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia and Syria, in 2023. Statistics Finland's table 115t divides the employed of every age by the population aged 20–64, so its figure runs above an employment rate. The figure is therefore turned into the register employment rate by the Finnish background's own ratio: 79.2% in table 115t against an employment rate of 74.6% for the Finland-born. The group's wage is €28,985 per earner. The comparison has the Finland-born employment rate of 74.5% and the Finnish-background wage of €38,901. Employment is spread over the ages on the register's age profile.
The group's entrepreneurial and property income is set at the level VATT measured. At the frame's register level, the same as natives of the same age, the group's factor income per adult would be €16,646. The level VATT measured for 2023, moved to 2024, is €14,058. At the register's level the difference to the same age would be €550…584k per person and the calibration of transfers €7,153 a year. The lifetime calculator's refugee cases use the same measured level as this calculation.
The ends of the range come from the group's extra use of services, €2,253…2,912 a year. It is the amount by which the protection background's measured service spending per person exceeds average use at the same ages. It includes early items such as interpreting, integration training and the state's integration compensation, and the model keeps it the same for life. To that extent the calculation overstates the later years. The same item is in the lifetime calculator.
The pension career of those born abroad starts at 25, the arrival age of the lifetime calculator's refugee case, or at their present age if they are younger. The earnings-related pension accrues from years worked and the wage against the native population's full career, which earns the average pension of €2,100 a month. The pension follows the 2024 rules. The full national pension, €775.70 a month, falls by half of the earnings-related pension above €787 a year, and the guarantee pension tops the pensions up to €976.59 a month in all. The national pension is scaled to the time lived in Finland for a person who has lived here less than 80% of the time from age 16 to 65. The pension career starts at 25 at the latest in the calculation, so every member of the group passes that mark and draws the full national pension.
Employment of those born here has been measured only for young adults. According to Alasalmi and Busk (Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment 2025:13), the employed share of 18 to 29-year-olds was 4.5 points below the Finnish-background level in 2022. There is no figure for older ages, because the group is still young, so the working-age gap is derived here from education instead: of the Finland-born foreign-background population aged 25–34, 19.1% hold no post-basic qualification against 9.0% of the native-background population. Priced at each level's measured employment rate, that is a gap of 4.3 points. The same derivation run on the first generation gives 16.8 points against a measured 18.5, catching 91% of it, and corrected by that the second generation's gap is 4.8 points, of the same order as the gap measured among young adults. The parents' gap is weighted by the second generation's own backgrounds: each region's measured first-generation gap counts by how many of the second generation aged 25–34 have that background. The weighted gap is 19.5 points, and the second generation carries 24% of it. With the gap of the African and Asian backgrounds, 22.4 points, the share would be smaller, but only 50.5% of the second generation have those backgrounds. The same 24% share is applied to the gap of people with a background in the four refugee origins, so the employment gap of their Finland-born children is 8.6 points in the calculation. The same share is used for the wage gap, the extra use of services in adulthood, the gap in transfers and the entrepreneurial and property income. Through childhood, to age 19, those born in Finland are charged €2,218…3,174 a year: the group's children's items per child in full, because a child receives the preparatory and own-language teaching, Finnish as a second language and child protection directly, ARA housing above the population share, because the group's share in ARA housing holds for the children who live with their parents too, and the child's part of the use of services above same-age use. If the gap closes entirely, the difference between those born in Finland and natives is zero in adulthood.
The working-age gap is held constant across the working years. That is no longer an assumption but a choice the data supports. Employment does rise through the first decade: for the foreign-born from 48.0% in the year of arrival to 54.6% at one to four years and 63.5% at five to nine, against 74.5% for the comparison group. No figure is published for ten years and over, but it can be solved: the overall rate of 56.0% is the weighted average of the duration classes, so the fourth follows from the three that are published. Under any plausible distribution it lands between 46% and 55%, below the five-to-nine figure. The rise does not continue, and the gap after ten years is 20…28 points rather than 11.
The shift in the duration mix has also been worked out. The model applies the group's present employment, but the present population ages into the long-resident class, whose employment is 1.0…9.6 points below today's average. Lowering the employment of those born abroad by as much raises the difference from €602,000…637,000 to €608,000…690,000 per person, and for the whole group from €53.0…56.1bn to €53.5…60.8bn. Holding today's level in place is therefore a mildly optimistic choice rather than a cautious one.
This is an observation about cohorts, not about lives. The ten-years-and-over group is dominated by refugee-origin arrivals of the 1990s and of 2015, while the five-to-nine group currently holds Ukrainians and work migrants whose employment is high. The figure does not say that an individual's position deteriorates after ten years. It says the observed path cannot be read as one person's career, and that the calculation must therefore not narrow the gap year by year.
In the model everyone stays in Finland, and it has no future births. It measures what the people already here cost, not what the group costs as it grows. The emigration of those born in Finland is measured, and with it the difference to the same age is €596…630k per person and €52.5…55.5bn in all. A leaver takes their gap to natives with them, so the figure falls, although their schooling has been paid for. Of those who came on international protection, 8% leave within ten years (Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment 2024:9), which would lower the figure further. Future children would raise it.
Earlier retirement was looked for and was not found. In 2024, 2.4% of the foreign-born aged 40–64 were on a disability pension against 6.7% of the native population. The gap has run the same way through all 30 years the statistic covers, so it is not a passing feature of a young group. Part of it is entitlement rather than health, though, because an earnings-related disability pension requires a work history in Finland. To that extent the cost does not disappear but moves into working-age transfers, which the model already sets by employment.
The retirement age is the same for everyone, but the financing of the pension is not. The guarantee pension, unlike the national pension, is not scaled to years lived in Finland: three years of residence qualify, and it is paid in full to someone who has never paid a pension contribution. It is not a theoretical item: in 2025 foreign-language speakers received 33% of guarantee pension spending, €104m to 17,000 recipients, against an 11% share of the population (Kela). The lifecycle model runs the population to death, so these pension years are in the figure, and they are why late employment does not turn the lifetime balance around: a working life of 20–30 years does not pay back the years before it or after it.
The register supports this directly. In the integration database's table 14t6, adults of African background aged 18–64 still receive, after more than ten years in the country, €2,510 a year more in transfers than they pay in direct taxes, while people of Finnish background pay €6,718 more than they receive. The gap of about €9,200 per adult a year does not close with time, which is why the model does not narrow it.
Health and old-age spending are the same by age in both runs, apart from the group's extra use, even though the native population goes onto a disability pension almost three times as often as the foreign-born. On this channel the model therefore understates the native cost and overstates the difference. Correcting it would move the figure down, not up.
Kanniainen's €0.9m and Suomen Perusta's €1.0m are not directly comparable with this. They concern one hypothetical arrival and start from arrival rather than from today. Kanniainen's figure is derived from Dutch and Swedish net costs. Suomen Perusta's is the arrival's own undiscounted lifetime figure in 2015 prices, about €1.2m in 2024 prices, less the same sum for every year spent in Finland that brings a Finland-born whole life to zero. The case of one arrival can be computed in the lifetime calculator on the same engine as this calculation.
Lifecycle, non-Western backgrounddifference to natives of the same age, the people already here, €1,000 per person€261…302k per person
The same calculation for the non-Western background population, 523,432 people from the named background countries in 2025, 84,879 of them born in Finland. Following each of them to death, the difference to natives of the same age is €261…302k per person and €137…158bn in all undiscounted. Discounted at 2%, it is €197…223k per person and €103…117bn in all.
The group's employment is the non-Western background countries' 53.1%, the same conversion of table 115t into the register employment rate as for the protection background, and its wage the foreign-background mean of €32,530 per earner. At these levels the frame's factor income per adult is €23,506. From the levels VATT measured by country, moved to 2024, it is €24,420, with the countries outside the table priced at the covered countries' average.
The frame's rules give the group's adults a gap of €4,468 in taxes and transfers. The gap derived from the gaps VATT measured by country is €4,750, with the Ukrainians who came after the war began at the four refugee countries' level. The rest is added as transfers, €311 a year at ages 20–64. The first year of the calculation gives a difference of €4.4…4.9bn, against the annual calculation's €3.8…4.8bn without the effect on other people's wages and employment. The first year is somewhat larger, because the projection counts everyone in the register, those who have left without notice included, and prices every year of life on the frame's age profile rather than on the annual calculation's rows.
The ends of the range come from the group's extra use of services, as the annual calculation's difference measures it. Those born in Finland keep 24% of their parents' gap. Through childhood, to age 19, they are charged €1,849…2,806 a year in place of the share of the extra use: the group's children's items per child in full, ARA housing above the population share and the child's part of the use of services above same-age use. If the gap persists whole, the figure is €316…363k per person, and if it closes completely, €244…282k.
With the measured emigration of those born in Finland, the difference is €259…299k per person and €135…157bn in all. First-generation emigration is not included. About a fifth of those who came for work or on EU grounds leave within ten years, 12% of those who came on family grounds and 24% of students (Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment 2024:9). Nor does the model include future births or new arrivals. About 6,600 children of foreign background are born in Finland a year, and at the same rules a year's births add €1.1…1.3bn to the difference undiscounted and €0.6…0.8bn discounted at 2%.
Children born abroad are priced at their parents' level, although those who arrive young go to school in Finland. To that extent the calculation overstates the difference.
Marginal cost answers the question of how much public finances change because of the group, when the pure public goods such as defence are assumed to stay as they are. It counts the collective spending that grows with the population and the group's share of shared revenue. Average cost also shares the pure public goods, general public services and defence, evenly across the whole population, as the Danish Ministry of Finance does, though at the cheapest reading defence and the EU payment go by income. At the dearest reading it also credits the property income of the state and the municipalities. At the dear end both also include the effect on other people's wages and employment. Shared revenue, such as corporate tax, both share by Dustmann and Frattini's rules: mostly per adult, with production taxes by income. The whole foreign-background population is the sum of the non-Western and the Western chains: −€0.3…+1.5bn at marginal and €1.8…3.6bn at average cost.
Details
The low and high bars are the calculation's own ranges, not confidence intervals. The largest uncertainty is in the services, which are modelled from age structure and unit costs, not measured.
In the state's funding formulas the foreign-language criterion brings €1,048m to the municipalities and €511m to the wellbeing services counties in 2025, €1.56bn in all. The criterion is there because foreign-language residents add to the cost of services. In this calculation the extra use of services and the group-specific items of the whole foreign-background population come to €0.75…1.21bn, and they include some of the state's own spending, such as the justice system. The formulas are rules for dividing money, not measured costs, and since 2025 the municipal part also covers employment services. Their sum is still above the range's top, so the cheap end is best read as a floor. Source: the 2025 budget proposal, moments 28.90.30 and 28.89.31.
Immigration's effects on other people's wages and employment arise through the labour market and have not been measured for the whole country. At the dear end of the range they are priced as an assumption on a row of their own, and at the cheap end there are none. In Finnish studies the negative effects fall on low earners and low-paid occupations, and in one of them the lifting of labour market testing raised the net transfers natives receive. The combined effect of all of them on the public finances has not been calculated for the whole country, and high earners' earnings can rise at the same time. The studies and the site's example calculation are in the section Effects on wages and employment.
The grey economy shows in the calculation in so far as it lowers the taxes the group pays. VATT measures the income declared to the tax authority, so the taxes left unpaid on undeclared work are already missing from the revenue. Taxes evaded by companies have not been estimated by the background of their owners or workers. By the estimate of the Tax Administration's Grey Economy Information Unit (report 8/2022), undeclared work costs the whole country about €300–480 million a year in taxes and contributions.
Employer social contributions, 18.74…19.59% of payroll, are revenue that the register's net transfer does not include. The group's wages bring in €0.12…0.13bn of them. The reception system is not included: it is the cost of receiving asylum applicants and people under temporary protection, not of the resident population. Interpreting, adult basic education, preparatory teaching, integration training, old-age care for the group's own over-65s, the justice system above the population share and the Immigration Service's humanitarian caseload are in other spending.
The child-protection base, €43m, and the part above the population share, €53…59m, are in other spending. The part above rests on the register study's placement share of 2.1…2.9 times the majority's, and it is computed from the majority's placement rate, 1.32…1.38%.
The applicant phase is kept outside the total because it is not the resident population's cost. It is reception, €253.4m in 2025 with the state reception centres and detention included, the police's removal costs, €4.2m, the legal aid the state pays private counsel in international protection cases, €0.9m, and the administrative courts' asylum appeals, €2.3m, €261m a year in all. There were 1,285 final decisions on appeal in 2024, and the Administrative Court of Turku reports a cost of €1,827 per decided case. The decisions are counted in persons, and a family's appeal is one case, so the figure is more likely too high than too low. The police's moment also covers removals of people other than asylum seekers. The Immigration Service's asylum processing and voluntary return are in the group's other spending already. The work of the public legal aid offices has no published euro figure, so it is left out. So are the urgent health care and other services of people staying in the country illegally, because they are not in the population and the cost of those services is not published. Of the reception clients 74% were Ukrainian at the end of 2024 and of 2025, so most of reception is temporary protection, whose beneficiaries the calculation counts in the non-Western background. The rest are asylum seekers, and the four refugee origins made up 38.5% of the asylum applications of 2024 and 2025. Removals, legal aid and appeals concern asylum seekers only. Of the applicant phase €28.2m therefore belongs to the protection background and €232.6m to the other non-Western background. The split is by head count at an equal cost per client, because reception's cost is not published by client type. Asylum seekers mostly live in reception centres and people under temporary protection often in private accommodation, so the split probably understates the asylum seekers' part, and with it the protection background's. The applicant phase is gross: the taxes and VAT the reception clients pay themselves are not deducted, because the clients are neither in VATT's data nor in the population. The calculation prices the population of the end of 2025 as if everyone had lived in the country all year. Those who moved from reception to a municipality during the year are therefore in the population for the whole year and in the applicant phase for the months before the move, so for them the applicant phase overlaps the population. If the question is what immigration from the four refugee countries of origin costs with its applicant phase, the protection background's part is added: €1.0…1.1bn at marginal and €1.2…1.5bn at average cost. The figure per person then holds spending on people who are not part of the resident population.
Marginal cost counts the spending that grows with the population, the collective spending that grows with it included, €3,359 per person. It takes off a share of shared revenue, €5,695…7,628 per adult, inheritance tax and, at the dearest reading, the pension institutions' returns by the people aged 65 and over, and property and production taxes by income. At the dearest reading the individual services' fees go by the use of the services. Average cost adds a share of the pure public goods, €3,349…4,274 per person, and at the dearest reading credits the property income of the state and the municipalities, €1,162 per adult. At the cheapest reading defence and the EU payment are shared by income.
The group definition is a choice. Protection-permit holders alone would be about 40,000 people and the figure about half of this. Counting every family reunification regardless of origin would raise it.
The figure is a single-year cross-section and does not show how the same people's cost changes over time. Arrivals' employment rises over the first decade, but by a derivation from the integration indicators, the employment of those in the country ten years or more is below that of those in the country five to nine years for every region of origin. The cost therefore does not fall by itself. The lifetime calculation is below.
The scope moves the figure more than any choice of method. There are 88,102 people of protection background, 523,432 of non-Western background and 660,800 of foreign background in all.
The Western background population, 137,368 people with those of unknown background, is computed as a chain of its own: measured taxes from VATT's nine Western countries, employer contributions, services at same-age use with no uplift, and a fifth of interpreting, preparatory teaching, own-language and Finnish-as-a-second-language teaching, integration training, adult basic education, the extra work at Kela and the employment services and the justice system above the population share. It brings public finances more than it costs: its cost is −€0.9…−0.6bn at marginal and −€0.5…−0.1bn at average cost. The marginal cost of the whole foreign-background population, −€0.3…+1.5bn, is therefore smaller than the non-Western background's.
The Danish dashed line is one measured figure, not a range. It is the −DKK 27bn for 2019 computed by the Danish Ministry of Finance from whole-population registers, −DKK 31bn in 2024 prices, at 7.45 DKK/€.
Per person the figures are: protection background €14,000…16,700, non-Western background €4,400…7,400, all foreign background €2,800…5,700 and Denmark €8,200. Denmark's measured figure is below the protection-background range and above the non-Western range. It falls below the protection-background group because besides refugees the Danish group holds other non-Western immigrants, whose net cost was only about DKK 2,000 per person. Denmark's own figure for refugees and those reunified with them, €15,900, is inside the protection-background range.
In all three scopes employer social contributions are counted as revenue and the reception system is left out. Without those two corrections the figures would be €0.36…0.37bn higher for the protection background, €1.7…1.8bn higher for the non-Western background and €2.3…2.4bn higher for the whole foreign-background population.
The non-Western estimate is less certain than the protection-background one. The four protection countries are all in VATT's table, while for the non-Western group its 21 countries cover 84% of the adults, and the rest are priced at the covered countries' average.
None of the three scopes is non-work-based immigration. The non-Western background also holds people who came for work from Asia, which is why that scope's direct net balance, −€790 per adult, is close to zero while for the four protection countries it is −€7,890. It also holds 25,065 people of Ukrainian background, most of whom came through temporary protection. The scope is drawn by background country rather than by permit basis because, according to VATT, 47% of the foreign-born are citizens or permanent residents whose original reason for entry the data does not carry. The nearest proxy for non-work-based is the protection background, and its broader counterpart is Denmark's MENAPT scope (Middle East, North Africa, Pakistan, Turkey), which held 118,000 people in Finland in 2025 and 155,000 with the Horn of Africa. In Denmark the net effect of the MENAPT background was −24bn DKK in 2019, about €13,300 per person in 2024 prices.
Some items stay outside the calculation, because public statistics cannot assign them to the group or a cross-section does not see them. Children with one parent born in Finland are of Finnish background in the statistics, so their schooling and day care are in none of the three scopes. The calculation is one year's cash flow, so the pension contributions the group pays now are revenue, but the pensions they earn, which are paid later, are not counted. The cross-section credits a young group's working-age taxes but charges it little of the old-age care and pensions that come later. At the native age structure the non-Western background's average cost would be €1.7…2.0bn higher, as the row At the native age structure shows. On the difference to same-age natives the pension effect runs the other way: the non-Western background's smaller earnings-related pension contributions, €0.93…0.98bn a year, count as a gap, but the correspondingly smaller pensions are not counted. A euro of contributions buys an earnings-related pension worth an estimated 30–50 cents today, and a smaller earnings-related pension brings more national and guarantee pension, which takes back about 30–45% of the pension gap. Net, this part makes the gap larger by about €0.15…0.34bn. The difference to same-age natives also assumes that the group pays the same share of its income in VAT and production taxes as same-age natives. If the share is 0.5–1 points larger because of its lower income, the gap is too large by €0.05…0.09bn on that account. That is the household budget survey's gradient in VAT alone. The calculation shares out the production taxes by disposable income, because they pass into prices, and then they weigh on low incomes in the same proportion as VAT. The combined spread would then be 1.1–2.8 points, and the gap would be too large by €0.10…0.26bn on that account. The production taxes also hold the VAT general government pays on its own purchases. On the difference to same-age natives that VAT belongs to the same services and would cancel with them, but the calculation shares it out by income. The wellbeing services counties' purchases alone carry about €1.6bn of VAT a year, and their share makes the gap too large by at least €0.03bn, as the VAT on the municipalities' and the state's own purchases comes on top. The calculation takes excise to be the same per adult for both. If the group, with its lower income, pays less of it, the gap is too small on that account, so this assumption works the other way. Eurostat personal transfers, current transfers between resident and non-resident households, were €720m sent abroad in 2024, of which €116m went outside the EU. They are not spent in Finland, but the part sent outside the EU lowers consumption taxes by at most €0.03bn. The World Bank personal-remittances series, USD 1,591 million in 2024, is a different and wider item, because it also includes compensation of employees paid abroad.
Which choice moves the calculation most · non-Western background
The chart shows how much the yearly cost of the non-Western background population changes when one choice in the calculation goes from its most favourable reading to its dearest and the rest are held still. The bars add up to the width of the range, €1.5bn for the average cost and €1.2bn for the difference to same-age residents. The largest single choice is whether the earnings-related pension institutions' property income is shared over all adults or over the people aged 65 and over, who draw the pensions now. It has no effect on the difference to same-age residents, because Finnish-background residents of the same age would get it by the same key. Next come the effect on other people's wages and employment, the pricing of the countries outside VATT's table and the use of specialised care. On the difference to same-age residents the largest is whether defence and the EU payment are shared by income or per resident, because the group's income falls short of same-age Finnish-background residents'.
€m a year, change from the most favourable reading to the dearest
Average costDifference to same-age Finnish-background residents
Pension funds' returns
+362+0
Labour market effect
+201+201
Uncovered countries
+189+212
Specialised care
+131+131
Other service use
+130+130
Defence and EU payment
+128+215
Employer rate
+69+33
Fees by use
+64+0
Child protection
+50+57
Property tax
+36+104
Debt and public assets
+34+0
Tuition fees
+34+34
VAT
+30+35
Immigration Service
+23+23
ARA housing
+20+20
Justice system
+16+7
Kela's benefit handling
+7+7
Grants to NGOs
+4+4
Show the figures
Group
Average cost
Difference to same-age Finnish-background residents
Pension funds' returns
362
0
Labour market effect
201
201
Uncovered countries
189
212
Specialised care
131
131
Other service use
130
130
Defence and EU payment
128
215
Employer rate
69
33
Fees by use
64
0
Child protection
50
57
Property tax
36
104
Debt and public assets
34
0
Tuition fees
34
34
VAT
30
35
Immigration Service
23
23
ARA housing
20
20
Justice system
16
7
Kela's benefit handling
7
7
Grants to NGOs
4
4
The site's calculation of October 2026, model repo_support/model_cost_sensitivity.js. Sources as in the cost calculation above.
Details
The rows change these choices. The earnings-related pension institutions' property income is shared per adult or over the people aged 65 and over. Collective spending includes public debt service and foreign aid and shared revenue the property income of the state and the municipalities, or both are left out. The part of child protection above the population share is priced at the placement rate weighted by generation or at the second generation's. Specialised care is priced at the use a Finnish register study measured or at natives' level. Other service use, which Finland has not measured, gets the extra use measured in Denmark or none. The uncovered countries are those outside VATT's table, and they are priced at the average of the table's countries without the four refugee countries or with them.
The justice system's excess is computed from the police's crime prevention or from all the police's crime-related work, unstandardised at average cost and standardised for age and sex on the difference to same-age residents. The employer rate is 19.59 or 18.74 per cent of wages. Property tax is shared per adult or by income. The Immigration Service counts at its free processing, or that plus 80 per cent of what the state pays towards the fee-paying processing. Households pay VAT of 11 or 9 per cent of their disposable income. Of the students liable to tuition fees, all or 55 per cent live in Finland. ARA housing support is at its 2025 or its 2024 level. Grants to NGOs are counted narrowly or broadly. Defence and the EU payment based on gross national income are shared by income or per resident. The individual services' fees and sales are shared per adult or by the use of the services. Kela's handling of its other benefits is priced at Kela's average cost per decision or at the cost of a decision on social assistance. There is no effect on other people's wages and employment, or the less educated's wages are 5% lower and their unemployment rate one percentage point higher.
Each choice's effect is computed twice, first with the other choices at the favourable end and then at the dear end, and the bar is the mean of the two. For most choices the two passes differ by less than €2m, and the largest difference is €22m.
On the difference to same-age residents the dearer reading of the employer contributions is the opposite of the one for the average cost, because there the same rate applies to the gap in wages rather than to the group's own wages. A bar shows the size of the change, not its direction.
The sensitivity covers only the calculation's own choices. Measured figures such as VATT's transfers and the population are single figures. So is the base level of the services, the average use of people of the same age, although it has not been measured for this group. The extra use of special educational support is not priced, because its cost has not been published by language or background. The public costs of crime victims are mostly on the justice and health care rows already. The range does not cover any errors that may remain in the calculation.
The Finland-born of foreign background: share still in Finland by age
Many of the children born in Finland to foreign-born parents later leave Finland. At the moves of recent years, 88.0% of those living here at age 1 still live in Finland at 18 and 82.6% at 30. Of the Finnish background, 99.3% and 96.5% do. By the time they leave, the public finances have paid for their day care, schooling and health care, but the taxes of a working life are not collected.
On the site's lifetime frame, a child's own services, day care, school, health care and the other services, cost about €374,000 by the age of 18. Setting the foreign background's departures against the Finnish background's, 14.7% of an age group leave beyond that rate by the age of 30. By the time they leave, €34,300 has been spent on them for every Finland-born child of foreign background. For a year's 6,639 children that is €228m in all.
The clear loss comes from those who leave at 18–30, 3.4 points of an age group more than of the Finnish background. Their schooling has been paid for, €112m per age group. Staying in Finland, a Finland-born person of foreign background would bring the public finances about €180,000 net at marginal cost from the age of 20 on the site's frame, a person of Finnish background about €291,000. Per age group, the loss from those who leave as adults is €46m undiscounted.
Most leave as children, probably with their parents: 11.4 points more of an age group leave before 18 than of the Finnish background. What was already spent on them is not recovered, but leaving also ends the rest of their childhood's spending. On the frame, the rest of life of a child under 12 costs the public finances more than it brings at marginal cost, because school is still ahead. So the departures of children ease the public finances by €42m per age group. Altogether the departures cost the public finances €4m per age group, because the saving on children who leave covers most of the loss on those who leave as adults.
Of the Finland-born with a background in the four refugee origins, Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia and Syria, fewer leave as children: 91.8% are still in Finland at 18 and 87.2% at 30. More left in the older age groups. Of those born in 1993–2000, 79.6% of the four origins' background lived in Finland at 25, 83.6% of the whole foreign background and 97.2% of the Finnish background.
Statistics Finland publishes emigration by origin but not by age. The shares are therefore computed from the population table by following each birth year's age group from one year to the next, and the change at each year of age is computed from the eight most recent age groups. The figures are net, so those who came back are taken off. They include deaths, which at these ages are a few in ten thousand a year. In 2016–2025, 7,468 Finland-born people of foreign background emigrated and 2,175 came back.
The education and employment of the leavers before they leave are not published by origin, so the calculation takes them to be at the group's average. A Finland-born person of foreign background has an employment rate 4.8 points below the Finland-born level, and 24% of their parents' gap in wage and in extra use of services as an adult, as in the site's lifetime calculation. Through childhood, to age 19, the child is charged €2,328 a year: the non-Western background's children's items per child in full, because the child receives the teaching and the child protection directly, together with ARA housing above the population share and the child's part of the use of services above same-age use.
Show the figures
Age
Finnish background (% of those living in Finland at age 1)
Foreign background (% of those living in Finland at age 1)
Four refugee origins (% of those living in Finland at age 1)
This site's calculation (work in progress): the cost of the justice system20266 findings
The site's calculation, October 2026. The calculation is still a work in progress, and its figures may change. Three public sources crossed: the agencies' spending that arises from crime in 2023, suspects by origin in 2024 and population structure
Spending arising from crime in 2023, from the agencies' accounts: the police's crime prevention €468m, surveillance €139m and alert operations €252m, the courts' criminal cases and the prosecutors €164m and the Criminal Sanctions Agency €268m. The police's permit services, €139m, are no work that crime causes.
Suspects in 2024, counted by the most serious offence of the year: 152,323 people, of whom 24,757 or 16.3% of foreign background. Of the population, 11.1% were of foreign background.
The part above the population share is €46…67m a year. The low end counts only the police's crime prevention, and the high end counts surveillance and alert operations too. The average and the marginal cost take the excess as measured, and the difference to same-age natives takes it standardised for age and sex, €20…29m.
The order of magnitude matters: of the excess, €19…28m falls to the protection background, about 2–3% of what its public services cost (€0.86…0.89bn), and €37…53m to the non-Western background, about 1% of its services (€4.4…4.7bn). The public cost of crime is real but small beside education and health care.
By background region, 4,962 suspects were of West Asian and 3,706 of Sub-Saharan African background. Those two regions hold 67% of the foreign background's excess. The four refugee origins' share of the excess is 41.5%, because the statistics put Afghanistan in one group with Western Europe and South Asia.
Left out are the losses to victims of crime, insurance payouts and private security. They are not public spending, and they are not recorded by an offender's background.
This site's calculation: dwelling prices and an area's foreign-background share20266 findings
The site's calculation, September 2026. 786 postal areas that have at least eight dwelling sales as well as Yle's foreign-background figure and Paavo's economic data
The price per square metre is weighted by the number of sales across studios, two-room, three-room-plus flats and terraced houses, for the latest year in which the area had at least eight sales.
The raw correlation between price per square metre and the foreign-background share is +0.28. With income the correlation is +0.62, and between income and the foreign-background share −0.08.
The crude comparison usually used in debate: within a city and an income third, the areas with the highest foreign-background share are on average 16.5% cheaper across 26 comparisons. In Turku the gap is −38% and in Pori −44%, in Espoo +8%.
In the regression the sign flips at the rented share. Without it +25.0% per ten percentage points, with it −1.7%, and under the full set of controls −2.1%, confidence interval −5.7…+1.4. The R-squared rises from 0.53 to 0.87.
In the capital region, 147 areas, the same full set of controls gives −10.1% per ten percentage points, confidence interval −14.9…−5.2. In cities above 20,000 residents −7.6% and in areas with at least 20 sales −4.2%.
The conclusion: at national level no price effect is found, and within cities there is an association this data cannot separate from the quality of the housing stock. Neither is public spending.
Kotamäki 2026: what the survey leaves out20265 findings
Mauri Kotamäki, Is immigration nothing but a cost to the economy? Kansantaloudellinen aikakauskirja vol. 122, 1/2026. The author is chief economist at Finnvera and a senior researcher at the Population Research Institute of Väestöliitto
The book's cost estimates are mostly about humanitarian migration rather than immigration as a whole. The boundary should have been stated at the start, because a reader may take the results to cover immigration in general.
From the UK Office for Budget Responsibility's report the book takes only the negative net contribution of a low-paid immigrant. In the same report an average-wage immigrant is a net contributor from the start of the lifecycle, and high-wage ones considerably more.
The book cites a newspaper article claiming that Skilled Worker visa holders are a net cost over their lifetime. The UK Migration Advisory Committee's assessment is the opposite: their fiscal impact is over £16,000 a year positive.
On Sweden the book deals at length with Aldén and Hammarstedt 2019 on the negative net effect of refugee migration. Konjunkturinstitutet's 2025 report, which finds the net effect of the foreign-born improved in recent years and in some groups already more positive than the native population's, is given no comparable weight.
In Pesola, Sarvimäki and Virkola's 2025 register study the employment rate of refugees is about 10 per cent in the first year and rises to 60 per cent in ten years, while the initial advantage of work-based migrants narrows.
Valkonen 2026: there is no single general figure20265 findings
Tarmo Valkonen, On researching the public finance effects of immigration. Kansantaloudellinen aikakauskirja vol. 122, 1/2026. The author is a Senior Fellow at the Research Institute of the Finnish Economy
There is no single general figure for immigration's effect on public finances. Immigration changes in both volume and structure, the observations are incomplete, and different methods give different results.
The book's comparison between Etla's analyses of immigration as a whole and the selected calculations about refugee migration is not meaningful. The closest in method to Etla's work is Holler and Schuster's 2020 analysis of Austria, and even that is about the effects of the 2015 refugee wave.
In Finland the lifecycle observations large enough to be representative are mostly of children and young adults, because immigration is young. Nearly half of what a lifetime figure needs therefore rests on forecasts.
In Pesola, Sarvimäki and Virkola's 2025 data the net transfers of immigrants turn positive after six to eight years of residence.
In Vaalavuo et al. 2025 immigrants use health services less than native Finns of the same age.
Kanniainen 2025: a lifecycle cost synthesised from foreign studies20253 findings
Vesa Kanniainen, Julkisen talouden vaje: pelastaako maahanmuutto? (BoD, October 2025). A literature review of register studies from seven European countries, no Finnish data of its own
The lifecycle cost of a humanitarian arrival is put at about €900,000 and Finland's annual cost at over three billion. The figures are derived from foreign results. According to the book, the lifecycle cost of an asylum seeker in the Netherlands is €800,000, and the net cost of the average refugee in Sweden −SEK 987,000 over seven years. In Konjunkturinstitutet's report the same figure, −SEK 988,000, is the refugee's whole-life net cost from arrival at a 1.5% discount rate. The Dutch report's own figure is €475,000 for asylum migration and almost €400,000 for the origin region of Afghanistan, Iran, Syria and Iraq.
The Swedish data gives a time profile Finland lacks: the net cost falls from SEK 192,000 in the first year to SEK 95,000 in the seventh.
The review in Kansantaloudellinen aikakauskirja (Kotamäki 2026) finds the survey weighted towards the costs of humanitarian migration and passing over studies in which work-based migration is net positive.
Virén: 10.5 billion a year scaled from the Dutch figure20252 findings
Matti Virén, professor emeritus of economics. According to Suomen Uutiset a rough estimate mirroring the Dutch study's result onto Finland. The publisher is the Finns Party's party newspaper, and the figure was presented by the party's MP Jaana Strandman
The Dutch €400bn is the present value of the whole-lifetime net cost of those who arrived in 1995–2019, not an annual cost. The realised net effect in 2016 was €17bn. In 2024 prices and scaled by population that gives about €7bn for Finland, not 10.5. No published intermediate calculation explains the gap.
The figure covers all immigration, not humanitarian immigration, and the structure of Dutch immigration differs from Finland's.
TEM 2024: the lifetime effect of a low-wage work-based migrant on public finances20247 findings
Kaihovaara, Peltonen, Kari, Kotilainen, Mattila, Toikka and Seppä, Selvitys tulorajan asettamisen vaikutuksista työvoiman saatavuuteen ja julkistalouteen (a report on the effects of an income threshold on labour supply and public finances), Ministry of Economic Affairs and Employment publications 2024:21, 6 June 2024. A lifecycle calculation from Statistics Finland's unit-level register data. The Ministry of Finance was responsible for the report's public-finance estimates
The calculation follows a person who arrives for work at 35 up to age 80. If their monthly wage in the year of arrival is 1,600 euros, by age 80 they are a cumulative net cost to public finances of about €9,700. On a wage of 1,800 euros they are a net contribution of about €3,600. The figures are in 2019 prices, in present value at 3.5% and allowing for attrition. In 2024 prices they are a net cost of about €11,500 and a net contribution of about €4,300.
The report gives no numbers for them and has no table behind the figure. The values are read from the vector data of the report's figure 11 and rounded to the hundred euros. According to the report's text, the cumulative result is slightly negative at both wage levels, and allowing for attrition brings the figures close to zero. The report concludes that the effect on public finances of people earning 1,600 and 1,800 euros is small.
The cumulative figure peaks at age 64, at about 34,000 euros on a wage of 1,600 euros, and falls in retirement, because the calculation counts earnings-related pensions as transfers received and pension contributions as transfers paid. The calculation ends at age 80.
It includes direct and indirect taxes, corporate tax, employer contributions, transfers, social and health services by age and foreign background, and public goods at 3,600 euros per person a year in 2019 prices. Defence and general public administration are left out as pure public goods. About two thirds of those granted a work permit stay in the country for longer, and the earnings-related pension is paid to those who have left as well.
Spouses who come along are not in the figure. By the report's rough estimate about ten per cent of low-income work-based migrants bring a spouse, and spouses would lower the result by about 150 euros per person, because they find work less often.
In the report's data, for about 19 per cent of the first employee residence permits granted between January 2019 and September 2021 the monthly wage declared to the Finnish Immigration Service was below 1,600 euros, for 32 per cent below 1,800 euros and for 63 per cent below 2,000 euros, with wages raised to the 2022 earnings level. Actual wages were higher than declared: those who declared under 1,600 euros earned a little over 2,000 euros a month on average.
The report's own caveats: the estimates are indicative only, the lifecycle calculation is sensitive to its assumptions, and the sample may include people who came for other reasons and found work quickly. According to the report, it cannot tell at what income threshold the effect on public finances would with high probability be positive.
Suomen Perusta 2019: lifecycle effect for arrivals from Iraq and Somalia20194 findings
Samuli Salminen, Statistics Finland register data. The 2011 cross-section by age group stretched over the whole lifetime of someone arriving aged 20–24. The publisher is the Finns Party's think tank
The lifetime net effect on public finances of someone arriving from Iraq aged 20–24 is −€690,000, and −€844,000 once the effect of children is included.
For an arrival from Somalia the corresponding figures are −€951,000 and −€1,343,000.
These figures are undiscounted. Discounted to present value, in chapter 13 of the same report, they are −€554,000 for an arrival from Iraq and −€772,000 for one from Somalia, excluding the effect of children.
It is computed from Finnish register data. Its weakness is shared by every lifecycle calculation: one year's age profile is assumed to hold for decades.
Vahtera 2019: 3.2 billion from budget lines and imputed items20193 findings
Pauli Vahtera, Iltalehti blog 5 Mar 2019, three parts. State final accounts 2016–2017 and the 2019 budget, about 69,000 adults and 31,000 children from the largest humanitarian countries of origin
The largest items are the state budget 865, housing 546, labour-market support 352, social benefits 267 and municipal spending 261 million euros. Total 3,264 million.
Housing is computed from imputed rents on 50,000 dwellings, not from housing allowance paid. Labour-market support is assumed for 80% of adults. A €225m fall in property values is included, which is not public spending. Taxes deducted come to €121m.
According to Yle's check of election claims (29 March 2019), Ministry of Finance officials described the calculation as overstated, imprecise and resting on shaky assumptions, because it counted in figures that do not belong there. The itemisation was not disputed line by line.
International
Konjunkturinstitutet 2025: the lifetime net contribution of refugees and other foreign-born residents in Sweden20254 findings
Sweden's National Institute of Economic Research, Specialstudie 117, June 2025. Whole-population register data for 1983–2022 (Statistics Sweden). Refugees include refugees' relatives, and children born in Sweden are counted with the native-born
In the lifetime calculation a refugee's expected net contribution to public finances from arrival has a present value of −SEK 988,000 at 1.5%, −SEK 1,648,000 undiscounted and −SEK 857,000 at 3%, in 2022 prices. For other foreign-born residents the figure is +SEK 1,902,000 and for all foreign-born residents +SEK 1,521,000 at 1.5%.
The calculation weights every year by the probability that the person is alive and still living in Sweden, so emigration is included. Refugees follow the path of earlier arrivals from their own country of birth for the first eight years, and after that the path converges on a curve estimated for refugees. A refugee's expected net contribution turns positive at about 15 years, peaks at about 30 and turns negative at about 40. According to the report, this method and the less negative figures of recent years make the refugees' lifetime figure less negative than in Ruist's (2018) earlier calculation.
In the 2022 cross-section the net contribution of refugees was −SEK 27,500 per person and −SEK 22bn for the whole group. That of other foreign-born residents was +SEK 19,800 and that of the Swedish-born −SEK 700 per person. Among refugees, those born in Syria and Somalia had the most negative net contribution, and those from the former Yugoslavia and Iran a positive one.
Collective spending such as defence is divided equally over all residents, and public finances are assumed to balance every year, so the deficit is charged to no one. School, health and care spending is divided mostly by age, because there were no individual data on use. The report itself warns that the lifetime figures rest on many assumptions about employment, incomes and the use of services and are therefore highly uncertain.
OBR 2024: the cumulative net fiscal impact of a migrant on a work visa, by earnings level20247 findings
Office for Budget Responsibility, Fiscal risks and sustainability, September 2024 (CP 1142, 12 September 2024), chapter 4, paragraphs 4.15 and 4.29–4.34 and chart 4.13, corrected on 14 November 2024. The method is set out in the OBR's supplementary release of 6 March 2025. The OBR is the UK's independent fiscal watchdog, which produces the official economic and fiscal forecasts
In the OBR's long-term projections each year of age carries the taxes and public spending of an average resident per person at the level of 2028–29. The migrant in the calculation comes to the UK on a work visa at 25, the average age of net migration in the ONS population projections. Their employment and use of services are those of an average resident of the same age. There is no education spending, no transfers are paid in the first five years, visa fees and health charges come to £12,500, and in the year of arrival £20,000 is added to public investment to keep the public capital stock per person unchanged. The cumulative figure adds up each year's taxes and spending from arrival, undiscounted.
The migrant on average earnings pays the taxes of an average resident. The low-wage migrant's earnings are at the 25th percentile of migrants' earnings in their first year, about half of average earnings, and they pay 22 per cent of the taxes of an average resident. The high-wage migrant's earnings are at the 75th percentile, about 30 per cent above average earnings, and they pay 144 per cent of the taxes of an average resident. The earnings come from the Labour Force Survey for 2021–2023, and the gap is assumed to last for life.
The migrant on average earnings is a net contributor from their second year. At 82, the life expectancy the OBR gives for 2028, their cumulative net contribution is £405,000 and the high-wage migrant's £1,010,000. The low-wage migrant's cumulative figure is a net cost in every year, and by 82 the net cost is £653,000. In 2024 prices and in euros the figures are net contributions of €0.44m and €1.11m and a net cost of €0.72m.
For an average resident born in the UK the cumulative figure from birth to 82 is a net cost of £7,000, which the OBR calls broadly neutral. Their figure is a net cost up to the age of 45, because the education and health spending of childhood comes before the taxes of working age. A migrant carries none of that spending.
The chart ends at age 100. There the high-wage migrant's net contribution is still £252,000, the figure for the migrant on average earnings has turned into a net cost at 93, and the low-wage migrant's net cost is £1,555,000.
Dependants are not in the figures. In 2021–2023 an average of 0.3 dependants came per main applicant, and the OBR expects the restrictions announced in December 2023 to reduce them sharply. According to the OBR, the impact of a child dependant is similar to that of an average resident born in the UK and depends on the age at arrival. In the chart the person stays in the UK. About half of those arriving on a work visa stay more than ten years, as do a fifth of students and just over four fifths of those on a family or other visa, and according to the OBR those who leave before old age are the most beneficial for public finances.
The OBR calls the figures order-of-magnitude estimates that are highly uncertain and rest on stylised assumptions, and they are not meant as an assessment of the impact of actual migration. The calculation covers only the person's own taxes and the spending on them. The chart was corrected in November 2024 for a spreadsheet error, and in the corrected version the low-wage migrant is clearly less beneficial than in the original, most of all at older ages. The figures here come from the corrected data. They are in 2028–29 pounds, carried to 2024 prices with the OBR's March 2024 consumer price forecast and to euros at the 2024 average rate of 0.847 £/€.
Stiftung Marktwirtschaft: the effect of future migration on Germany's fiscal sustainability gap20247 findings
Bernd Raffelhüschen, Stefan Seuffert and Florian Wimmesberger, Ehrbarer Staat? Fokus Migration. Zur fiskalischen Bilanz der Zuwanderung, Argumente zu Marktwirtschaft und Politik 173, January 2024 (the 2023 update of the generational accounts), and Lewe Christoph Bahnsen, Gerrit Manthei and Bernd Raffelhüschen, Ehrbarer Staat? Die Generationenbilanz. Zur fiskalischen Dividende der Zuwanderung, Argumente zu Marktwirtschaft und Politik 135, November 2016. The calculations were made at the University of Freiburg's Forschungszentrum Generationenverträge. The publisher, Stiftung Marktwirtschaft, is a German market-liberal foundation and think tank, and Raffelhüschen sits on its board
Generational accounting divides public revenue and spending per person by age, sex and citizenship, grows them with annual productivity growth of 1.5 per cent and discounts future years at a real interest rate of 3 per cent. The present value of future deficits is the implicit debt, and together with today's debt it makes up the sustainability gap, given as a percentage of the base year's GDP. The calculation takes today's taxes and benefits and the reforms already legislated as permanent.
In the 2023 update Germany's sustainability gap is 497.1 per cent of GDP with net migration of 293,000 people a year on average. Without future migration the gap would be 347.4 per cent. The authors call the difference of 149.7 percentage points the fiscal balance of future migration, which is therefore negative and almost one and a half times a year's GDP. As the site's calculation with the Stiftung's 2022 reference GDP of €3.87 trillion, the balance is about €5.8 trillion, or about €6.3 trillion in 2024 prices.
Future migrants are given today's payments and benefits per person of the foreign nationals already living in Germany, computed from the 2018 income and consumption survey and the Socio-Economic Panel. During an integration period of six years the arrivals' net payments stay below that level, and their emigration is 25 per cent more likely than usual. If arrivals reached the level of the foreign nationals already living in Germany at once, as generational accounting usually assumes, the gap would be 447.8 per cent.
If half of the arrivals held a vocational or higher education qualification and after five years paid taxes at the level of qualified Germans, the gap would fall by 64.0 percentage points. If another 109,000 qualified labour migrants came each year, the gap would fall by 39.5 percentage points. Both together would cut the gap by 127.7 percentage points, and the balance of migration would still be 22.0 percentage points negative. If arrivals matched Germans exactly in fiscal terms and there were no integration period, the balance would be 45.3 percentage points positive.
According to the authors, the balance is negative not only because of the arrivals' below-average qualifications but also because Germany's public finances are not sustainable: at today's taxes and benefits a German newborn also receives more over a lifetime than they pay. The authors also note that the comparison of the gaps leaves out future rises in taxes and contributions, part of whose burden the arrivals would also carry. In the scenarios with additional migration the gaps are adjusted for population size, because the gap grows with the population.
In the 2016 update, with 2014 as the base year, the roughly 2.4 million refugees arriving in 2015–2020 were estimated to add 30.1 percentage points of GDP to the sustainability gap. The Stiftung puts that at about €878bn, or about €1.1 trillion in 2024 prices. If the children of foreign nationals, including those already living in Germany, stayed at their parents' fiscal level and did not reach the German average, the gap would grow by another 23.5 percentage points, about €685bn, or about €870bn in 2024 prices. An integration period of twelve years would add 10.7 percentage points to the gap compared with the assumption of six years.
The authors considered their 2016 assumptions optimistic, because the refugees were given the payment profile of the foreign nationals already living in Germany, a large share of whom are of European origin. The immediate costs of housing, food and language courses and any growth effects were left out of the calculation. Neither publication gives a lifetime figure per person, and the figures are present values for all future migration or for the whole refugee cohort. That is why the calculation is not in the lifetime table.
Danish Ministry of Finance: net effect of non-Western immigrants −DKK 27bn (2019)20236 findings
Finansministeriet, Økonomisk Analyse May 2023, revised edition September 2023. Whole-population register data, all taxes and public spending including collective consumption, by origin and descent
The net effect of non-Western immigrants and their descendants was −DKK 27bn in 2019, of which MENAPT countries −24bn and other non-Western −3bn. In 2024 prices that is −DKK 31bn, or about €4.2bn.
The figure has improved: in 2014–2019 it was −39, −43, −39, −34, −32 and −27bn DKK at the 2019 level. The Ministry has computed it by the same method since 2015, most recently from the 2019 data. Finland has no such calculation. The figures are not adjusted for the business cycle, and part of the improvement comes from a better cycle.
This is the method Finnish annual estimates should be compared against: one year, the whole population, all spending and revenue, descendants on their own line.
The figure looks large beside Finland's, but the difference is in the size of the group, not the method. The calculation held 509,000 non-Western immigrants and their descendants in 2019, counted in full-year persons, so in 2024 prices the net effect is −€8,200 per person per year. This site's calculation gives €14,000…16,700 per person for the protection-background group, which is more. Denmark's group is almost six times the size of Finland's protection-background group.
Chapter 4 of the same publication measures refugees on their own. In 2019 there were about 96,000 full-year persons who had come as refugees or been reunified with refugees on a permit granted in 1997 or later, and their net cost was DKK 9.9bn, or about DKK 103,000 per person. In 2024 prices that is about €15,900, which is inside the protection-background range (€14,000…16,700). The cost falls with time in the country: DKK 145,000 per person for those resident under five years, 100,000 for five to 14 years and 84,000 for 15 to 23 years. The net cost of other non-Western immigrants was only about DKK 2,000 per person. Children born in Denmark are not in the refugee figure, but asylum and integration costs are charged to those granted a permit in that year.
The whole group's per-person figure is below the refugees' because besides refugees the group holds other non-Western immigrants, whose net cost is close to zero. Finland's non-Western background population, 523,432 people, is of almost the same size, and the same calculation gives it €2.2…3.7bn at average cost, or €4,400…7,400 per person with the people who have probably left the country taken off. Denmark's measured figure is above that range.
Perspektivmeldingen 2021: net transfers from the public sector from age 25 to the end of life, by immigrant background20217 findings
Norwegian Ministry of Finance, Meld. St. 14 (2020–2021) Perspektivmeldingen 2021, 12 February 2021, chapter 7, box 7.7 and table 7.3. The calculation is by Statistics Norway (SSB). The country groups are those of SSB's population projections: Western Europe, the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, the eastern EU member states, and Asia, Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe outside the EU. The price level of 2017 kroner is given in the Ministry of Finance's answer to the Storting's written question 15:1660 (2023–2024)
SSB computed for the government how public sector revenue and spending depend on the population's age and sex. People of working age pay more in taxes and fees than they receive, and children, young people and the old receive more in public services and transfers than they pay. Averaged over the population, transfers are somewhat higher than the taxes and fees paid, and the difference is covered by the oil fund's income.
From age 25 to the end of life, men who came from Asia, Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe outside the EU receive NOK 8.3m more from the public sector than they pay, and women NOK 14.5m. For arrivals from the eastern EU member states the figures are NOK 3.4m and 9.4m. Men from Western Europe, the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand pay NOK 4.3m more than they receive, and women receive NOK 5.2m more than they pay. Among non-immigrants, men pay NOK 3.2m more than they receive, and women receive NOK 8.8m more than they pay. The figures are in 2017 kroner.
In 2024 prices and in euros, the figures for men and women are €0.90m and €1.58m for arrivals from Asia, Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe outside the EU, €0.37m and €1.02m for arrivals from the eastern EU member states, −€0.47m and €0.57m for arrivals from Western Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand, and −€0.35m and €0.96m for non-immigrants. A minus sign means a net payment to the public sector. The conversion uses Norway's consumer price index and the 2024 average rate of 11.63 NOK/€.
In the government's own comparison, over the years lived in Norway the public sector's net spending on a man who arrived at 25 from Asia, Africa, Latin America or Eastern Europe outside the EU is a little over NOK 5m higher than on a man born in Norway. The figure for the man born in Norway includes his childhood. The public sector spends a net NOK 6.3m on a boy by the age of 25, so his figure from birth is NOK 3.1m.
The gap between women and men is large in every group. According to the government, women work part time more often and in lower-paid occupations, and they live longer, which adds pensions and care services. That is why the gap between immigrants and non-immigrants is smaller for women than for men.
The government calls the calculation a stylised worked example that rests on the age profiles of 2017 and covers the part of life spent living in Norway. The figures are undiscounted, since the sum from birth is simply the sum of the periods from 0 to 24 and from 25 on. The table is per person, so immigrants' children born in Norway are not in the figures.
The Ministry of Finance updated the group's figure for the Storting in April 2024. Averaged over women and men it is almost NOK 15m in 2024 kroner, or a little over NOK 220,000 a year. The Ministry raised the 2017 kroner by the price index of state budget expenditure.
Netherlands: €400bn over 1995–2019 by ground of entry20213 findings
Van de Beek, Roodenburg, Hartog and Kreffer, Grenzeloze Verzorgingsstaat (2021). Statistics Netherlands microdata, generational accounting, children and remigration included. Commissioned by the institute of the Forum voor Democratie party
The present value of the whole-lifetime net cost of those who arrived in 1995–2019 is €400bn, half of it from the last ten years. The largest was €32bn for the arrivals of 2016. These are present values booked to the year of arrival, in 2016 euros at a 2.5% discount rate, not annual costs. The realised net effect on public finances in 2016 was €17bn.
Work-based migration on its own is positive from the West, Latin America and Asia. Asylum migration is negative from every region of origin. Family migration is negative almost without exception, the only exception being the group of Japan, North America and Oceania.
The same generational accounting underlies Kanniainen's and Virén's Finnish figures. The difference is that in the Netherlands it was computed from the country's own register.
Criminality
Crime is one of the side effects most often raised in the immigration debate. This section measures it primarily through suspicion records. Suspect statistics describe the earliest stage of the process and overstate the level, but the overrepresentation does not disappear in conviction statistics. At most it shrinks.
Sections in this group and their figures
Violent crimeStandardised for age and sex, the violent-crime rate of the whole foreign-national population was about 1.5 times that of Finnish citizens in 2025.
Sexual crimesIn Finland 33.7% of those suspected of rape or aggravated rape in 2025 were of foreign background, against 11.7% of the population.
Property crimeStandardised for age and sex, the property-crime rate of the whole foreign-national population was below the native population's, about ×0.9, in 2025. Overrepresentation is still marked in certain groups: Somali citizens ×3.7, Swedish ×3.2, Estonian ×2.0 and Iraqi ×1.9.
Victims and offendersOf the hate crime reports linked to ethnic or national background in which the offender was identified, 83% were committed by the majority population in 2024. Per head, though, minority-background offenders committed them about 1.7 times as often as the majority.
Domestic violence and perpetrator backgroundAccording to the West Uusimaa police, nearly half of domestic-violence suspects in Espoo were born abroad, while foreign-language speakers make up over a quarter of the city's population (2026).
FGM and honour-based violenceOver 10,000 women and girls living in Finland are estimated to have undergone female genital mutilation.
Street gangsAccording to the police situation report (autumn 2023), Finland has 10 street gangs with about 260 people linked to them. They are mostly men aged 18–30, and a large share have an immigrant background, their own or in the second generation.
The second generation in crime statisticsIn 2025 Finland-born 18–29-year-olds of foreign background were suspected of offences more often than either comparison group: 70% more often than people of Finnish background and almost twice as often as those born abroad. The age range is restricted because the second generation is much younger than the native population.
Foreign prisonersThe number of foreign prisoners has grown 76% in ten years: in 2025 an average of 839 foreign citizens were in prison daily, 23.7% of all prisoners, against a 7.7% population share.
Key figures
The age-standardised rate of non-traffic offences in 2024 was 839 suspects per 10,000 for the foreign-background population and 465 for the Finnish-background one. The gap survives standardisation.
In serious drug cases investigated by the National Bureau of Investigation, the foreign share of suspects was 53% in 2024 and 79% in 2025 up to early November (KRP interview figure).
People of foreign background account for a clearly larger share of offences than their share of the population. In foreign citizens' offending as a whole, the age and sex distribution explains about three fifths of the gap in 2024 and about three quarters in 2025: in violent and sexual offences the gap remains clear after standardisation, while in property crime the standardised foreign-national level falls slightly below that of the native population. Differences between background countries are large.
Some figures concern foreign citizens and others people of foreign background, which includes Finnish citizens. Each entry states which, and the standardisation can be switched on in the crime chart of the Charts view. By offence type the subject continues under violent crime and property crime, and the Finland-born generation has its own section under the second generation.
The graph below shows overrepresentation in sexual and violent crime by country of origin. It computes the overrepresentation from the suspect statistics of Finland, Germany and Switzerland and shows their median as the bar. The conviction statistics of Denmark and of England and Wales appear as separate markers. On the 2024 figures the most overrepresented in sexual offences are Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia, and in violent crime Tunisia, Algeria and Somalia. Finland's definition of sexual offences is broader than the other countries', so Finland's own figures are higher than the others on many rows. The median evens out that difference.
Overrepresentation in crime statistics by country of origin · Finland, Germany, Switzerland, Denmark, England and Wales, Norway, the Netherlands
The figure is over-representation: 1 means a share equal to the group's share of the population, 3 three times that. Each panel is one offence type, the bar is the median of Finland, Germany and Switzerland and the markers are the individual countries' figures for the same origin. The other countries count their figures differently, so they appear as markers only.
Details
Bar = median across the countries that count suspected persons (Finland, Germany, Switzerland). Symbols = per-country value. A row is shown only when all three countries' figures are available.
Every ratio is computed inside one country: (suspects per resident of citizenship X) divided by (suspects per resident of the host's own citizenship). Only the ratios are comparable across countries, never the levels, because offence definitions and recording practice differ.
Numerators: Finland Statistics Finland 13je (2024, suspects permanently resident in Finland), Germany BKA PKS 2024 table T62 (key 100000 sexual offences, 220000 assault), Switzerland BFS PKS 2024 (StGB title 1 Leib und Leben and title 5 Sexuelle Integrität, permanent residents only), Denmark DST STRAFNA4 (2024), England and Wales the Ministry of Justice FOI response table 1a (2021, convictions on the police register in the groups Violence against the person and Sexual offences), Norway Statistics Norway (SSB) table 09421 (2022–2024, persons charged, in the principal-offence groups Vold og mishandling and Seksuallovbrudd), the Netherlands Statistics Netherlands (CBS) table 85656NED (2023–2025, suspects registered by the police in the groups 3.1 Mishandeling and 3.3 Seksueel misdrijf).
Denominators: Eurostat migr_pop1ctz, population by citizenship (Finland, Germany), the Swiss BFS STATPOP permanent resident population by citizenship, and Denmark's DST FOLK2 population by country of origin. Eurostat publishes citizenship detail for some countries only, which is why Switzerland and Denmark come from their own registers. The England and Wales denominator is the ONS Census 2021 commissioned table CT21_0461. The Norwegian denominator is SSB table 05196, the population by citizenship at the start of the year. The Dutch denominator is CBS table 85510NED, the population by nationality at the start of the year.
Denmark (DST STRAFNA4) reports convictions rather than suspects, and classifies by country of origin rather than citizenship. Its figures are therefore systematically lower and cover a different group: Denmark is plotted as a symbol but is excluded from the bar.
England and Wales reports convictions rather than suspects, and its figures are for 2021, the year of the census. The Ministry of Justice released the table under the Freedom of Information Act to the Centre for Migration Control, which published it. The Migration Observatory used the same table and the same census table for its own comparison of nationalities. A person sentenced more than once in the year appears more than once, and only the primary offence of each sentencing occasion is counted. Nationality is self-reported, and the table gives the nationality recorded first on the register. The denominator is residents aged 16 or over by passport held, with those holding no passport assigned by country of birth and national identity, as in the Migration Observatory's calculation. The other hosts divide by the whole population. The census does not reach people in the country illegally who avoid the authorities, nor people staying less than a year. A value resting on fewer than five convictions is not shown. England and Wales is plotted as a symbol but is excluded from the bar.
Norway reports persons charged (siktede) rather than suspects. They are people whom the police or prosecution, in their final decision, consider to have committed the offence. The group is narrower than suspects, and it does not require a conviction. Each person is counted only once a year, in the group of their principal offence, the one carrying the heaviest penalty in law, so the same person is not in both panels in the same year. Single years are too small: in 2024 two Somali and two Iraqi citizens were charged with a sexual offence. The Norwegian value is therefore the 2022–2024 average, and a value resting on fewer than five persons is not shown. SSB gives a country only in years in which at least 50 of its citizens were charged with any offence, so Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria, for example, have no Norwegian value. Norway is plotted as a symbol but is excluded from the bar.
In the Norwegian figures citizenship is the population register's entry at the start of the year. People who have become Norwegian citizens count as Norwegians, so the citizenship groups are small. At the start of 2024 Norway had 2,513 Iraqi citizens and 23,603 immigrants from Iraq, and 5,454 Somali citizens and 27,665 immigrants from Somalia (SSB 05196 and 05184).
In the Norwegian figures the persons charged also include people not resident in Norway, whom the population does not count. According to SSB they are mainly people staying less than six months, asylum seekers and others awaiting a residence decision, and people in the country illegally. This raises the Norwegian values. SSB's StatBank does not split persons charged by citizenship and residence at once, so the effect cannot be bounded country by country. In a table SSB made to order for the Progress Party, which counts charges per offence rather than persons, people not resident in Norway accounted for 3.5% of sexual-offence charges and 3.9% of violence and maltreatment charges in 2020–2023.
Italy is not in the chart. ISTAT counts reports rather than persons, and its suspects include people who do not live in Italy and people there unlawfully, whom the population does not count. Italy's figures are in the section's Italy block.
The Netherlands (CBS) counts police registrations rather than persons. A person suspected of three offences is three registrations, and three suspects of one offence are also three registrations. The chart counts only suspects registered as residents of a Dutch municipality, as in the Finnish and Swiss figures. In 2023–2025, 10.2% of assault registrations and 11.4% of sexual-offence registrations concerned suspects not on the population register. Violence is CBS group 3.1 Mishandeling, assault (articles 300–306 of the Dutch Criminal Code), so homicide is not included. Sexual offences are group 3.3 Seksueel misdrijf (articles 239–250). CBS rounds its counts to tens, so a single year's 10 can stand for 5 to 14 registrations. The Dutch value is therefore the 2023–2025 average, and no value is shown where CBS's rounded count is 0 in every year. According to CBS the figures for 2024 and 2025 are provisional. The Netherlands is plotted as a symbol but is excluded from the bar.
In the Dutch figures nationality is CBS's statistical nationality. Anyone with Dutch nationality counts as Dutch, even with a second nationality, so the citizenship groups are small. At the start of 2025 the Netherlands had 30,879 Moroccan citizens and 433,337 people whose country of origin is Morocco, and 5,597 Somali citizens and 46,665 people whose country of origin is Somalia (CBS 85510NED and 85384NED). The country of origin (herkomstland) is a person's own country of birth if born abroad, and a parent's country of birth if born in the Netherlands. CBS's table of suspects by country of origin (85658NED) names only five countries of origin and does not separate sexual offences from violence, so the chart uses the table by nationality.
The Swiss crime table groups Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo together while the population table does not, so no Swiss value is computed for Serbia.
The German figures are PKS suspects, and suspects include people who do not live in Germany, which is why the BKA itself warns against deriving population-adjusted crime rates from the PKS. Table T61 bounds the effect: in 2024, 2.2% of non-German sexual-offence suspects and 2.4% of violent-crime suspects had no right of residence or no residence in Germany at all. Transit therefore inflates the figures most for countries with few residents in Germany.
Finland's value is higher than Germany's and Switzerland's on several rows (Iraq, sexual offences: Finland 12.8, Germany 6.3 and Switzerland 3.7). The median keeps one country from moving a row. The gap points to definition: Finland's sexual-offence categories are broad. According to Statistics Finland, asylum seekers are not part of the permanent population, so their suspected offences are not in the Finnish figures.
The statistics name only nine foreign countries separately, and the citizens of other countries appear in the chart as region groups. In 2022–2024 foreign citizens received 376.2 penalties per 10,000 residents a year and Finnish citizens 267.1. The foreign level was 1.4 times the Finnish one. Among the region groups it was highest for citizens of the rest of Africa, 556.2, and lowest for citizens of the rest of Asia, 196.4. Traffic and public order offences accounted for 61% of the penalties imposed on Finnish citizens and 58% of those imposed on foreign citizens.
A region group is a continent with the separately named countries taken out. Other Asia therefore includes Syria, China and India, for example, and the differences within the group do not show.
Europe is split by EU28 membership, so the United Kingdom is in Other EU. Other Europe means the non-EU European countries apart from Türkiye and Russia, Ukraine for example. The All foreign row covers every foreign citizen, stateless people and those whose citizenship is unknown included.
The figures are penalties, not people, and one person can receive several in a year. They cover court sentences, penalty-order fines, summary fines and petty fines. The chart includes permanent residents of Finland only. According to Statistics Finland, asylum seekers are not part of the permanent population, so their penalties are not in the chart.
Three years are added together because the smaller groups receive only a few dozen penalties a year. The level is the penalties of 2022–2024 divided by the populations of the same years. The 2020 road traffic reform turned most traffic violations into fees, so the levels of earlier years are not comparable.
The table does not split penalties by age and sex, so the figures cannot be standardised. In the suspect figures age and sex explain a large part of the gap.
Left out are the countries and groups with fewer than 5,000 citizens living in Finland or fewer than 20 penalties in the three years: Oceania.
Italy
Italy's national statistics institute ISTAT publishes the crime suspects the police reported to the judicial authorities or arrested, by country of citizenship. In 2023–2024, per resident, Egyptian citizens were reported or arrested for robbery 28.9 times and for sexual violence 15.6 times as often as Italian citizens. The ratios vary widely by citizenship. For robbery the ratio was 64.4 for Tunisian citizens and 0.3 for Philippine citizens.
Persons reported or arrested by citizenship, relative to Italian citizens · Italy 2023–2024
The figure shows how many times as often, per resident, members of each citizenship were reported or arrested as Italian citizens. A value of 1 is the same rate and 10 is ten times as high. Shown are the 12 largest non-EU citizenships by residents on 1 January 2025 and all foreign citizens together. The years 2023 and 2024 are combined.
ratio to Italian citizens per resident (1 = the same rate)
Homicide and assaultSexual violenceRobberyDrug offences
Details
The figures are crime suspects the police reported to the judicial authorities or arrested, not convictions. They come from police activity and do not follow the later course of the cases.
ISTAT counts the same suspect separately for every offence and every report. The figures are therefore reports rather than distinct people, and the same person can appear under several offence types.
The statistics record citizenship, not origin. Italian citizens include naturalised citizens.
The denominator is ISTAT's census-based resident population. Each year's population is the average of the figures at the start of the year and at the start of the next. The population of Italian citizens is the total population minus foreign citizens.
Suspects include people who do not live in Italy and people there unlawfully, who are not in the population figures. Fondazione ISMU estimates that 321,000 people were in Italy unlawfully at the start of 2024 and 339,000 at the start of 2025, about 6 per cent of registered foreign citizens. ISMU does not break the estimate down by citizenship, so the chart is not adjusted for it. In a group with many suspects who are in Italy unlawfully or do not live there, the ratio is therefore too high.
The rows of the country table cover 79–90 per cent of reports of foreign citizens, depending on the offence. According to ISTAT, the breakdowns can add up to less than the total because of missing data. To that extent the country ratios are too low. The all foreign citizens row is from the citizenship table and also includes those whose country of citizenship is missing.
The figures are not standardised for age and sex, because ISTAT does not break the country figures down by them.
Homicide and assault covers intentional homicide and attempted homicide, infanticide, assault resulting in death (omicidio preterintenzionale), assault causing injury (lesioni dolose) and assault without injury (percosse). Sexual violence is ISTAT's category violenze sessuali, and robbery is the category rapine. Drug offences are breaches of the drug law (normativa sugli stupefacenti). The ratios for other offence types are in the box below.
This site's calculation: persons reported or arrested by citizenship in Italy20265 findings
The site's calculation, October 2026. The crime tables 73_230_DF_DCCV_AUTVITTPS_2 and 73_230_DF_DCCV_AUTVITTPS_4 in ISTAT's database esploradati.istat.it for 2022–2024 and the population tables 29_317_DF_DCIS_POPSTRCIT1_1 and 22_289_DF_DCIS_POPRES1_1 (population on 1 January 2022 to 1 January 2025). The ratio is a citizenship group's reports per resident divided by Italian citizens' reports per resident. The estimate of people in Italy unlawfully: Fondazione ISMU, 31° Rapporto sulle migrazioni 2025, presented on 25 February 2026.
An average of 161,260 Egyptian citizens lived in Italy in 2023–2024. In those years they were reported or arrested 323 times for sexual violence and 1,906 times for robbery. For sexual violence there were 100 reports a year per 100,000 Egyptian citizens and 6.4 per 100,000 Italian citizens, 15.6 times as many. The ratio was 28.9 for robbery, 6.3 for theft, 10.1 for receiving stolen goods and 24.3 for exploitation of prostitution.
For theft, the ratios to Italian citizens in 2023–2024 were Tunisia 27.8, Morocco 16.3, Albania 7.7, Egypt 6.3, Senegal 4.1, Nigeria 3.2, Pakistan 2.3, Ukraine 2.1, Bangladesh 1.2, India 1.2, the Philippines 0.4 and China 0.3. The ratio for all foreign citizens was 9.0.
For receiving stolen goods (ricettazione), the ratios were Tunisia 38.4, Senegal 20.7, Morocco 17.4, Egypt 10.1, Albania 7.8, Nigeria 7.2, China 5.7, Pakistan 4.2, Bangladesh 3.5, Ukraine 2.4, the Philippines 1.3 and India 1.1. The ratio for all foreign citizens was 9.4.
For exploitation and abetting of prostitution (sfruttamento e favoreggiamento della prostituzione), Italian citizens were reported 603 times and foreign citizens 1,437 times in 2023–2024. The ratios were China 75.2 (261 reports), Nigeria 62.5 (90), Tunisia 24.7 (31), Egypt 24.3 (44), Albania 20.6 (96), India 15.2 (29) and Morocco 6.9 (32). Citizens of Bangladesh, Pakistan, Ukraine, Senegal and the Philippines had 0–17 reports, so their ratios are uncertain.
ISTAT last publishes the sum of all offences by citizenship for 2022. Its ratios were Tunisia 18.3, Nigeria 10.3, Morocco 9.4, Senegal 6.0, Egypt 5.1, Albania 4.6, Pakistan 4.4, Bangladesh 1.9, India 1.8, China 1.7, Ukraine 1.5 and the Philippines 0.5. The ratio for all foreign citizens was 5.2. According to ISTAT the sum is indicative, because it is computed as the sum of the offence types.
France
France's interior ministry statistical service SSMSI publishes the persons implicated (mis en cause) in offences solved by the police and the gendarmerie, by nationality group. In 2024–2025, per resident, nationals of the Maghreb countries, Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, were implicated in robbery without a weapon 10.8 times and in homicide 2.6 times as often as French nationals. The ratios vary widely between groups. For Spanish, Italian and Portuguese nationals the ratio was 1.4 for robbery without a weapon and 0.9 for homicide.
Persons implicated in offences by nationality group, relative to French nationals · France 2024–2025
The figure shows how many times as often, per resident, members of each group were implicated in an offence as French nationals. A value of 1 is the same rate and 10 is ten times as high. The groups are nationality groups of France's statistics institute Insee. Maghreb means nationals of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. The years 2024 and 2025 are combined.
ratio to French nationals per resident (1 = the same rate)
HomicidePhysical violence outside the familySexual violenceRobbery without a weapon
Details
The figures are persons implicated (mis en cause) in offences solved by the police and the gendarmerie, not convictions. They come from police activity and do not follow the later course of the cases.
SSMSI counts the same suspect as many times as the offences he or she is implicated in. The figures are therefore implications rather than distinct people. For drug offences and fraud SSMSI counts a person once.
The statistics record nationality, not origin. French nationals include naturalised citizens.
The denominator is Insee's estimate of the population by nationality for 2024 and 2025. SSMSI uses the same estimate, according to which foreign nationals are 9 per cent of the population. The population of French nationals is the sum of those French by birth and those who acquired French nationality. According to Insee the figures for 2024 and 2025 are provisional.
Suspects include people who do not live in France, for example tourists and people in transit, whom the population estimate does not include. In a group with many such suspects, the ratio is therefore too high.
The area is France without the overseas collectivities, that is, metropolitan France and the overseas departments. Insee's population estimate covers the same area.
Each group had 21–147 homicide suspects in the two years, so the homicide ratios are uncertain.
The all foreign nationals row is the sum of the groups. It leaves out suspects whose nationality is recorded as unknown, and nationals of Oceania in the years in which SSMSI suppressed their small number. There are at most a few dozen of either per offence type a year.
The figures are not standardised for age and sex, because SSMSI does not publish the nationality groups by age and sex.
Homicide includes intentional assault resulting in death. Physical violence outside the family is SSMSI's category violences physiques hors cadre familial. Sexual violence covers rape and attempted rape, other sexual assaults and offences, non-physical sexual violence, sexual exploitation and indecent exposure. Robbery without a weapon is SSMSI's category vols violents sans arme. The ratios for other offence types are in the box below.
This site's calculation: persons implicated in offences by nationality group in France20266 findings
The site's calculation, October 2026. SSMSI's bilan statistique for 2025 (published on 9 July 2026) and the sheet natio of its data file Mec_2016_2025, years 2024–2025. Population: Insee, Répartition des étrangers par groupe de nationalités and Population immigrée et étrangère en France (published on 4 June 2026). The ratio is a group's implications per resident divided by French nationals' implications per resident.
By SSMSI's own comparison, foreign nationals were 18 per cent of homicide suspects in 2025 and 9 per cent of the population. Nationals of African countries were 9 per cent of homicide suspects and 4 per cent of the population. Foreign nationals were 36 per cent of burglary suspects, 37 per cent of suspects of theft from vehicles and 33 per cent of suspects of robbery without a weapon.
An average of 1.53 million nationals of the Maghreb countries lived in France in 2024–2025. In those years they were implicated 147 times in homicide and 4,735 times in robbery without a weapon. For robbery without a weapon there were 155 implications a year per 100,000 Maghreb nationals and 14 per 100,000 French nationals, 10.8 times as many.
For burglary, the ratios to French nationals in 2024–2025 were Rest of Europe 21.0, Maghreb 9.4, Rest of the EU 6.0, Americas 4.2, Spain, Italy and Portugal 2.7, Rest of Africa 1.5 and Asia 0.5. The ratio for all foreign nationals was 5.8.
For armed robbery, the ratios were Americas 9.5, Rest of Africa 3.3, Maghreb 3.0, Rest of Europe 1.6, Spain, Italy and Portugal 1.0, Asia 1.0 and Rest of the EU 0.9. The ratio for all foreign nationals was 2.5.
For drug trafficking, the ratios were Maghreb 6.0, Americas 3.2, Rest of Africa 2.6, Rest of Europe 1.9, Rest of the EU 1.5, Spain, Italy and Portugal 1.4 and Asia 0.8. The ratio for all foreign nationals was 2.9.
For rape and attempted rape, the ratios were Rest of Africa 2.4, Maghreb 2.0, Americas 1.8, Asia 1.3, Spain, Italy and Portugal 0.9, Rest of Europe 0.9 and Rest of the EU 0.8. The ratio for all foreign nationals was 1.6.
Spain
Spain's national statistics institute INE publishes the adults convicted by final judgment, and the offences they were convicted of, by nationality grouped by continent. In 2023–2024, per resident aged 18 or over, African nationals were convicted of robbery with violence 20.4 times and of sexual offences 5.1 times as often as Spanish nationals. Asian nationals were convicted as often as Spanish nationals overall. By INE's own calculation, foreign nationals were convicted 2.5 times as often as Spanish nationals per adult resident in 2025.
Convicted offences by nationality, relative to Spanish nationals · Spain 2023–2024
The figure shows how many times as many convicted offences, per resident aged 18 or over, were recorded for members of each group as for Spanish nationals. A value of 1 is the same rate and 10 is ten times as high. INE publishes nationality by continent only. The years 2023 and 2024 are combined.
ratio to Spanish nationals per adult resident (1 = the same rate)
HomicideAssaultSexual offencesRobbery with violence
Details
The figures are final convictions, not suspects. They are offences entered in the Spanish criminal register (Registro Central de Penados) during the year, and the offence may have been committed in an earlier year. They are therefore not directly comparable with the suspect figures for Italy and France.
The chart counts convicted offences, not people. Several offences can be recorded for the same person. The ratios for convicted persons are in the box below.
The statistics record nationality, not origin. Spanish nationals include naturalised citizens.
The denominator is the resident population aged 18 or over on 1 July of each year in INE's population statistics (Estadística Continua de Población). INE uses the same population in its own figures relating convictions to the population. This method reproduces INE's published figures for 2024, 15.7 convicted persons per thousand foreign nationals and 6.2 per thousand Spanish nationals.
Convicted persons include people who do not live in Spain and people not entered in the population register, whom the population does not include. INE does not estimate their number by nationality. In a group with many such convicted persons, the ratio is therefore too high.
The groups are continents, because INE does not publish convictions by individual country. Of the African group, 72 per cent were Moroccan nationals on 1 July 2024 (all ages). The Americas group covers nationals of North, Central and South America.
Homicide covers homicide and murder (homicidio and asesinato) and attempts at them. Most homicides are attempts. Nationals of Asia and of the rest of Europe had 42 and 26 homicide offences recorded in the two years, so their ratios are uncertain.
The figures are not standardised for age and sex, because INE does not break the offence types down by both nationality and age in the same table.
Assault is INE's category lesiones. Sexual offences are the category delitos contra la libertad e indemnidad sexuales, which covers sexual assault and rape, sexual offences against children under 16, sexual harassment, indecent exposure, and child prostitution and corruption of minors. Robbery with violence is the category robo con violencia. The ratios for other offence types are in the box below.
This site's calculation: convictions by nationality in Spain20266 findings
The site's calculation, October 2026. Tables 26014 and 25645 (Estadística de la Población Condenada Adulta) in INE's database for 2023–2024 and the population table 56938 (Estadística Continua de Población, residents aged 18 or over on 1 July 2023 and 1 July 2024). The ratio is a group's convictions per resident divided by Spanish nationals' convictions per resident. The totals for 2025 are from INE's press release of 14 July 2026.
According to INE, 306,237 adults were convicted by final judgment in 2025, and 70.2 per cent of them were Spanish nationals. There were 15.3 convicted persons per thousand foreign nationals aged 18 or over and 6.1 per thousand Spanish nationals, 2.5 times as many. The figures for 2025 cannot yet be computed by nationality group, because INE has not published the population for 2025 by continent.
For convicted persons, the ratios to Spanish nationals in 2023–2024 were Africa 4.1, Americas 2.7, Rest of the EU 2.0, Rest of Europe 1.7 and Asia 1.0. The ratio for all foreign nationals was 2.5. Each year 6.0 per 1,000 adult Spanish nationals were convicted, and 24.5 per 1,000 African nationals.
An average of 1,032,000 African nationals aged 18 or over lived in Spain in 2023–2024. In those years 5,601 convictions for robbery with violence and 856 for sexual offences were recorded for them. For robbery with violence there were 271 convictions a year per 100,000 African nationals and 13.3 per 100,000 Spanish nationals, 20.4 times as many.
For theft (hurtos), the ratios in 2023–2024 were Africa 7.2, Rest of the EU 2.8, Rest of Europe 2.7, Americas 2.7 and Asia 0.9. For theft with force (robo con fuerza), such as burglary, the ratios were Africa 8.4, Rest of Europe 2.1, Rest of the EU 1.9, Americas 1.1 and Asia 0.4. The ratios for all foreign nationals were 3.4 and 2.7.
For offences against public health (delitos contra la salud pública), which include drug trafficking, the ratios were Africa 6.3, Americas 2.6, Rest of Europe 2.5, Rest of the EU 2.0 and Asia 1.6. The ratio for all foreign nationals was 3.0.
For forgery of public documents, the ratios were Africa 9.4, Asia 8.6, Rest of Europe 7.9, Rest of the EU 4.5 and Americas 3.8. The ratio for all foreign nationals was 5.8.
Germany
Germany's Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) publishes an annual situation report that separates out crime suspects who are asylum seekers, people granted protection, people whose deportation has been suspended and people in the country illegally. The BKA calls them Zuwanderer. In 2024 they made up 8.8 per cent of all suspects and 12.2 per cent of suspects of offences against life. At the end of 2024, 3.06 million refugees were living in Germany, about 3.7 per cent of the population.
Zuwanderer as a share of crime suspects by offence group · Germany 2024
The bar shows what share of all suspects in the offence group were asylum seekers, people granted protection, people whose deportation has been suspended or people in the country illegally. The vertical line is refugees' share of the population. The BKA treats the number of refugees as the best available approximation of the group's size.
The figures are suspects in solved cases, not convictions. The police statistics record a case when the police pass it to the prosecutor, so 29.3 per cent of the offences in the 2024 statistics had been committed in 2023 or earlier.
Zuwanderer is a category of the police statistics. It covers suspects recorded as asylum seekers, as people granted protection or quota refugees, as people whose deportation has been suspended (Duldung) or as people in the country illegally. In 2024, 39.8 per cent of Zuwanderer suspects were asylum seekers, 27.7 per cent people granted protection, 16.7 per cent people whose deportation had been suspended and 15.7 per cent people in the country illegally. Other foreign nationals and naturalised Germans are not in the group. Over the last five years the group has been about a quarter of non-German suspects. Statistics Finland's crime statistics have no such category, and the Finnish charts in this section cover permanent residents of Finland only, a group that does not include asylum seekers.
Each suspect is counted once within an offence group, even when suspected of several offences. The all offences row and its denominator leave out breaches of immigration law.
According to the BKA, Zuwanderer crime cannot be reliably related to population, because the size of the group cannot be obtained from population statistics. The BKA gives the number of refugees for orientation only. The figure comes from the Central Register of Foreigners and covers asylum seekers, holders of humanitarian residence permits and people obliged to leave, but not unregistered people in the country illegally. The population share of 3.7 per cent is this site's calculation, dividing the number of refugees by Germany's population.
Of the refugees, 35.7 per cent were Ukrainian citizens, and Ukrainian citizens made up 12.8 per cent of Zuwanderer suspects. The shares by citizenship are in the box below.
The figures are not standardised for age and sex. Of the refugees, 55.0 per cent were male and 46.0 per cent under 30. Of the Zuwanderer suspects, 82.9 per cent were male and 57.1 per cent under 30.
Offences against life are offences under chapter 16 of the German Criminal Code, such as murder, manslaughter and negligent homicide, including attempts. Violence and threats is the BKA's group Rohheitsdelikte und Straftaten gegen die persönliche Freiheit, which covers assault, robbery, threats, coercion and deprivation of liberty. Other offences are the remaining Criminal Code offences, such as insult, trespass and criminal damage. Of the fraud and forgery cases, 42.3 per cent were fare evasion. Drug offences fell because cannabis was partly legalised on 1 April 2024.
BKA 2025: crime in the context of immigration, situation report 202420257 findings
Bundeskriminalamt, Bundeslagebild Kriminalität im Kontext von Zuwanderung 2024, Fokus: Fluchtmigration, published on 8 December 2025. Based on the police crime statistics (PKS) for 2024, solved offences excluding breaches of immigration law.
In 2024 the police statistics recorded 172,203 suspects in the Zuwanderer group, 8.8 per cent of all 1,967,731 suspects. Non-German suspects numbered 696,873, or 35.4 per cent.
The BKA compares each citizenship's share of Zuwanderer suspects with its share of refugees. Syrian citizens made up 21.2 per cent of suspects and 20.5 per cent of refugees, Afghans 10.3 and 10.6, Iraqis 4.8 and 5.5 and Turkish citizens 4.6 and 4.9 per cent. Algerian citizens made up 3.6 per cent of suspects and 0.2 per cent of refugees, Moroccans 3.0 and 0.2, Georgians 2.9 and 0.5, Tunisians 2.5 and 0.1 and Nigerians 2.1 and 0.8 per cent. Ukrainian citizens made up 12.8 per cent of suspects and 35.7 per cent of refugees.
474 members of the Zuwanderer group were suspected of offences against life, 12.2 per cent of all 3,895 suspects. There were 379 cases, of which 70, or 18.5 per cent, were completed acts and the rest attempts. The most common offence was manslaughter, and 89.4 per cent of its 265 cases remained attempts. Of the cases, 26.9 per cent took place on streets and in other public places, 23.0 per cent in homes and 13.5 per cent in accommodation for asylum seekers.
7,514 members of the Zuwanderer group were suspected of sexual offences, 7.9 per cent of all 95,098 suspects. Of them, 1,989 were Syrian, 1,312 Afghan, 662 Ukrainian, 596 Iraqi and 303 Turkish citizens. Rapes and other especially serious sexual assaults with a Zuwanderer suspect numbered 1,288, which was 9.8 per cent more than in 2023.
64,530 members of the Zuwanderer group were suspected of violence and threats, 9.2 per cent of all 700,991 suspects. Of Somali Zuwanderer suspects, 46.0 per cent were suspected of at least one such offence. The share was 45.5 per cent for Syrian citizens, 45.4 for Iraqis and 44.3 for Russians.
Of the Zuwanderer suspects, 31.8 per cent were suspected of more than one offence during the year, against 26.1 per cent in the police statistics as a whole. Suspects of several offences took part in 77.0 per cent of the group's offences. The share was highest among Algerian (62.6 per cent), Moroccan (58.6), Tunisian (57.1), Libyan (54.0) and Georgian (44.5) citizens.
Offences with a Zuwanderer suspect had 118,802 victims. Of them, 54,533, or 45.9 per cent, were German citizens. There were 3,020 German victims of sexual offences and 117 German victims of murder and manslaughter, 12 of whom died.
Austria
The Austrian Interior Ministry's annual crime statistics report gives only the ten most common foreign citizenships among suspects, and only as a total across all offences. In 2025, 47.7 per cent of suspects were foreign citizens, while foreign citizens made up 20.3 per cent of the population. Per resident, Syrian citizens were suspected 5.5 times and Afghan citizens 4.9 times as often as Austrian citizens.
Crime suspects by citizenship per resident · Austria 2025
The figure is suspects of all offences per 1,000 residents of the same citizenship. Shown are the ten foreign citizenships with the most suspects, all foreign citizens and Austrian citizens. Austria's police statistics count the same person once for every offence they are suspected of.
The figures are suspects the police reported to the prosecutor, not convictions.
Austria's police statistics count a suspect once for every offence they are suspected of. The figures are therefore suspicions rather than distinct people, and in a group with many repeat suspects the figure is larger than the number of people. According to the Interior Ministry, the statistics cannot yet count each person only once.
Suspects include tourists and others who do not live in Austria and are not in the population figures. The Interior Ministry points this out itself. The effect is largest for citizenships whose members spend much time in Austria without living there. It cannot be bounded by citizenship, because the Interior Ministry does not publish suspects by place of residence.
The denominator is Statistik Austria's population by citizenship. It covers people registered with a main residence in Austria for more than 90 days. Each group's population is the average of the figures at the start of 2025 and at the start of 2026. Austrian citizens include naturalised citizens.
The Interior Ministry does not publish citizenships by offence type. In November 2025 it answered a written question in the National Council that it does not relate suspects to population for foreign citizens or for individual citizenships and would not produce such a calculation separately (answer 2848/AB). The chart therefore covers all offences. Sexual-offence suspects by citizenship are broken down in the Interior Ministry's answer to another written question, and they are in the next chart.
The figures are not standardised for age and sex.
Sexual-offence suspects by citizenship per resident · Austria 2022–2023
The figure is sexual-offence suspects a year per 100,000 residents of the same citizenship. The years 2022 and 2023 are combined. Shown are the citizenships with at least 50 suspects over the two years, all foreign citizens and Austrian citizens. The figures come from the Interior Ministry's answer to a written question in the National Council, because the annual report does not break citizenships down by offence type.
The figures are suspects the police reported to the prosecutor, not convictions. Sexual offences are the offences in chapter 10 of the Austrian Criminal Code, from rape to sexual harassment and images depicting children.
Austria's police statistics count a suspect once for every offence they are suspected of. The figures are therefore suspicions rather than distinct people.
Suspects include people who do not live in Austria and are not in the population figures. The Interior Ministry does not publish suspects by place of residence, so the effect cannot be bounded by citizenship.
The figure for Austrian citizens is all suspects minus foreign citizens. Foreign citizens include people whose citizenship is unresolved: there were 61 of them in 2022 and 104 in 2023.
The threshold of 50 suspects leaves out small groups whose figures would vary a lot from year to year. Left out were, for example, Egypt (40 suspects), Algeria (22), Morocco (20) and Tunisia (20).
The 2023 ratios on their own are in the box below.
The figures are not standardised for age and sex.
This site's calculation: crime suspects by citizenship in Austria20264 findings
The site's calculation, October 2026. Bundesministerium für Inneres, Bundeskriminalamt: Kriminalpolizeiliche Anzeigenstatistik – Kriminalitätsbericht 2025, figures 3 and 4. Sexual offences: the Interior Ministry's answer 17582/AB (17 May 2024) to written question 18148/J in the National Council, and its annex. Population: Statistik Austria, population at the start of the year by citizenship, 1 January 2023 to 1 January 2026. The ratio is a citizenship group's suspects per resident divided by Austrian citizens' suspects per resident.
In 2025 the police reported 345,095 suspects to the prosecutor. Of them, 164,573, or 47.7 per cent, were foreign citizens, the highest share in seven years. The number of foreign suspects rose by 4.8 per cent from the year before and that of Austrian suspects by 0.9 per cent.
Per resident, the ratios to Austrian citizens in 2025 were Slovakia 6.6, Syria 5.5, Afghanistan 4.9, Romania 4.8, Serbia 4.0, Hungary 3.5, Türkiye 3.0, Germany 2.5, Ukraine 2.3 and Bosnia and Herzegovina 2.3. The ratio for all foreign citizens was 3.6.
The Interior Ministry's answer to written question 18148/J breaks down sexual-offence suspects by citizenship for 2022 and 2023. In 2023 there were 7,382 suspicions of sexual offences, and foreign citizens accounted for 2,358 of them, or 31.9 per cent. Per resident, the ratios to Austrian citizens were Iraq 6.6 (60 suspects), Afghanistan 5.3 (174), Somalia 5.2 (36), Syria 4.0 (243), Romania 2.2 (229), Türkiye 2.2 (184), Serbia 1.9 (162), Germany 1.6 (256) and Ukraine 0.6 (33). The ratio for all foreign citizens was 2.0.
In November 2025 the Interior Ministry answered written question 3318/J that it does not relate suspects to population for foreign citizens, for the most common citizenships or by residence status. The question also asked for figures by offence group, such as murder, sexual offences and robbery, but the answer breaks the offence groups down for the country as a whole only. The Interior Ministry gave the work the calculation would take as the reason for declining (answer 2848/AB).
Norway
Statistics Norway (SSB) produced tables, commissioned and paid for by the Progress Party's parliamentary group, that break down offences solved in 2020–2023 by the immigrant background of the person held responsible. Sexual offences were recorded against male immigrants aged 15–24 at 15.6 per thousand and against men of the same age in the rest of the population at 14.8. Among young men of Syrian and Afghan background the figure was about twice as high.
Sexual-offence charges against men aged 15–24 by immigrant background · Norway 2020–2023
A charge is SSB's siktelse, a solved offence for which the police or prosecutor, in their final decision, held the person responsible. The figure is four years of charges per 1,000 men of the same age. The countries are those whose male immigrants aged 15–24 had at least 30 sexual-offence charges.
The tables were commissioned and paid for by the parliamentary group of the Progress Party (Fremskrittspartiet). The party received them at the turn of September and October 2024. SSB published them on 9 December 2024, because the tables it releases are as a rule public. The tables are not in SSB's StatBank.
A charge is neither a conviction nor a person. Each solved offence is counted separately for each person held responsible, so the same person can appear many times, and one case with several perpetrators or victims can produce many charges. According to SSB this can affect the figures for individual countries a great deal.
The figure is four years of charges divided by the average population on 1 January 2020–2023. Dividing by four gives the annual figure. Age is the age at the time of the offence and the population is counted at the start of the year, so according to SSB the figures by age are somewhat imprecise.
An immigrant is a person born abroad to two parents and four grandparents born abroad, and the country background is their country of birth. The classification does not depend on citizenship, so people who have become Norwegian citizens are included, unlike in the Norwegian figures of the overrepresentation chart above. The second generation is the Norway-born with two immigrant parents. The rest of the population is the resident population excluding immigrants and the second generation.
The figures cover residents of Norway. Of the sexual-offence charges against men aged 15–24, 1.8 per cent were against people not resident in Norway, who are not in the chart.
SSB has not standardised the figures for age and sex. It gives the figures for men aged 15–24 separately because they are more comparable than those for the whole population.
Sexual offences are the group seksuallovbrudd in SSB's offence classification. It covers rape, sexual abuse of children and other sexual offences. In small groups a single case moves the figure a lot. The figure for Iraq rests on 31 charges and that for Poland on 32.
Statistics Norway 2024: charges by immigrant background, tables commissioned by the Progress Party20247 findings
Statistics Norway (Fossanger, Dyrstad and Mohn), published on 9 December 2024, updated on 17 December 2024. Tables 1a, 1b, 2 and 3, commissioned and paid for by the Progress Party's parliamentary group, offences solved in 2020–2023. The rape ratios are this site's calculation from the charges in table 1a and the populations in table 2.
In 2020–2023 SSB recorded 526,973 solved offences with a person held responsible. Of them, 20.1 per cent were charged against immigrants, 4.9 per cent against the Norway-born children of immigrants, 67.7 per cent against the rest of the population and 7.4 per cent against people not resident in Norway.
There were 3,185 rape charges. Of them, 2,223 concerned a victim under 14 and 962 an older victim or one of unknown age. Of the latter, 24.7 per cent were against immigrants and 8.5 per cent against people not resident in Norway, while immigrants made up 15.2 per cent of residents. Of the charges for rape of a child under 14, 8.4 per cent were against immigrants.
Per resident, immigrants were charged with rape of a person aged 14 or over or of unknown age 2.1 times as often as other residents. Other residents here include the Norway-born children of immigrants. The ratio was 3.4 for immigrants from Africa, Asia, Latin America and non-EU Europe and 0.5 for immigrants from elsewhere. For all rapes, 70 per cent of which concerned children under 14, the ratio for immigrants was 0.9.
Across all ages there were 2.8 sexual-offence charges per 1,000 residents in the rest of the population, 2.3 among immigrants and 2.0 among the Norway-born children of immigrants. Among countries whose immigrants had at least 100 sexual-offence charges, the figure was 8.0 for those of Afghan background, 6.9 for Syrian, 5.5 for Somali, 4.7 for Eritrean and 1.0 for Polish background. According to SSB, figures for the whole population are a poor basis for comparison, because the groups differ in age and sex structure.
Among men aged 15–24 there were 19.7 sexual-offence charges per 1,000 for immigrants from Africa, Asia, Latin America and non-EU Europe and 7.6 for immigrants from elsewhere.
Violent-offence charges against men aged 15–24 numbered 22.8 per 1,000 in the rest of the population, 60.9 among immigrants and 72.8 among the Norway-born children of immigrants. The figure was 146.6 for immigrants of Somali background, 111.5 for Iraqi, 96.4 for Syrian, 71.5 for Eritrean and 53.6 for Afghan background.
According to SSB, the overrepresentation of male immigrants aged 15–24 in all charges rose from 53 per cent in 2015–2018 to 96 per cent in 2020–2023. For Norway-born young men with immigrant parents it rose from 59 to 124 per cent.
Four different population concepts and why the figures are not interchangeable
Statistics use four different concepts, and the source decides which one you get. They describe the same phenomenon with different boundaries, and their sizes differ substantially (2025). There were 432,654 foreign citizens (7.7% of the population) and 660,800 people of foreign background by parents' birth country (11.7%). Foreign-language speakers numbered 646,392, or 11.4%, and the foreign-born 614,401, or 10.9%. The rule followed on this site: when computing overrepresentation, the numerator and the denominator must use the same concept. Prison statistics, for example, are based on citizenship, so they must be compared with the 7.7% figure for foreign citizens, not the 11.7% for foreign background. Kela's statistics are based on native language, so they are compared with the share of foreign-language speakers. A ratio computed across two concepts is not a real quantity, and the error can run in either direction. This is why every figure states which concept it uses.
At the end of 2025 there were 432,654 foreign citizens living in Finland, 7.7% of the population. People of foreign background numbered 660,800, or 11.7%. The difference between the two figures is the group that holds Finnish citizenship but has foreign origins.
The number of second-generation people of foreign background passed 100,000. This group was born in Finland and is often Finnish by citizenship, so it is included in the foreign-background figure but not in the foreign-citizen one. This is a concrete illustration of why the two concepts are not interchangeable.
Age and sex standardisation: what it does to crime statistics
Age and sex standardisation narrows foreign residents' over-representation in crime but does not remove it. The overall rate against the native population falls from about ×1.5 to ×1.2 in 2024 and from about ×1.4 to ×1.1 in 2025, so age and sex explain about three fifths and three quarters of the gap (Statistics Finland 13yy and 11rg, permanent residents). In 2024 the standardised level was ×0.9 for property crime, ×1.6 for violence and ×1.8 for sexual offences. In 2025 it was ×0.9, ×1.5 and ×1.3. For the main refugee-origin countries it is many times higher: for Iraqi citizens ×6.4 in 2024 and ×7.0 in 2025 for violence, and ×8.9 and ×5.2 for sexual offences. The standardisation can be switched on in the Charts view's crime chart.
The standardised figure compares people of the same age and sex. The total number of offences is still raised by the fact that many arrivals are young men. The figures are suspects, not convictions, but the over-representation does not disappear with convictions: Denmark's conviction-based ratios are still many times the native level. The standardisation uses permanent residents only. In 2015 more than half of crime suspicions against foreign nationals concerned people staying in Finland temporarily, so unstandardised figures such as prison statistics are upper bounds.
The source table from which the age and sex standardisation is calculated: suspects by nationality × age × sex, combined with population table 11rg. Direct standardisation to the age and sex structure of the country as a whole.
Danmarks Statistik, Indvandrere i Danmark 2025, tabel 6.5, 6.7 og 6.92025-12-15
Summary
Statistics Denmark publishes an annual crime index that standardises convictions for socio-economic factors as well as age. The index covers all guilty verdicts for people aged 15 to 79 in 2024, traffic offences included, with all men = 100. For Denmark-born descendants of immigrants from non-Western countries, the men's index was 316 unadjusted and 245 standardised for age. Adding the person's own labour-market status to age gave 242, adding family income gave 219 and adding family education gave 203. For men who immigrated from non-Western countries the same figures were 149, 137, 124, 119 and 123. Men of Danish origin had an index of 89 unadjusted and 92 standardised for age. Standardisation narrows the gap, but the second-generation men's level stays about twice that of all men, and the second generation is more overrepresented than the immigrants themselves. For penal-code offences the age-standardised index was 264 for second-generation men and 151 for immigrant men, and for violent offences it was 278 and 152. The figures are convictions rather than suspicions, and the groups are defined by origin rather than citizenship.
United Kingdom: convictions by nationality
The UK Ministry of Justice does not publish convictions in England and Wales by individual nationality. The figures are available only through Freedom of Information requests, and the same data have produced very different overrepresentation figures depending on the population the convictions are divided by. The England and Wales markers in the chart above are computed from the ministry's 2021 FOI table and the census nationality counts of the same year, in the same way as the Migration Observatory computed them. On that basis the sexual-offence conviction rate of Afghan citizens in 2021 was 11.3 times that of British citizens, a figure that rests on 20 convictions. The Centre for Migration Control's method gave about 22 times for 2021–2023, and Sky News's calculation based on country of birth about three times.
Centre for Migration Control, Migration Central2025-03-10
Summary
The Centre for Migration Control (CMC) obtained from the Ministry of Justice under the Freedom of Information Act the convictions recorded on the police register in 2021–2023 by offence group and nationality. Of the 833,522 convictions with a known nationality, 104,000 were of foreign nationals, and nationality was missing for 38,966. CMC divided the convictions by the ONS survey-based population estimate for June 2021 and, for nationalities missing from it, by UN figures for the foreign-born. On that basis foreign nationals were convicted at a rate 39% higher than British nationals for all offences, 71% higher for sexual offences, 69% higher for drug offences and 25% higher for theft. For sexual offences CMC ranked Afghan, Eritrean, Namibian, Chadian and Moldovan nationals highest. CMC's own calculation for ages 16–64 gave a 32% gap for sexual offences. In August 2025 Sky News's data unit checked CMC's figure that Afghans are 22 times more likely than Britons to be convicted of a sexual offence. In 2021–2023 there were 77 sexual-offence convictions of Afghan nationals and 14,270 of British nationals. Divided by the survey's 13,000 Afghans the rate was 59.2 convictions per 10,000, against 2.7 for Britons. Divided by the census count of 85,687 people born in Afghanistan it was 9.0, against 2.9 for the UK-born, about three times. The ONS told Sky News that CMC's figure rests on an estimate of the Afghan population that is too small, and the Home Office said the same. CMC replied that the conviction data are classified by nationality, so a population by country of birth does not fit the comparison.
CMC campaigns to reduce immigration and describes itself as a think tank. The calculation is its own and is not an official statistic.
Information Commissioner's Office, decision notice IC-416928-D9J82026-06-22
Summary
A Freedom of Information request made in June 2025 asked for convictions in England and Wales in 2018–2024 by nationality, in seven offence groups and in each detailed offence within them, with counts below five suppressed. According to Brussels Signal the request came from the Centre for Migration Control. The Ministry of Justice refused, saying the figures could be combined with earlier releases to identify individual offenders. According to the ministry, almost anything can be entered in the nationality field of the police register, so the data hold many very small groups. During the investigation the ministry also argued that compiling the figures would exceed the cost limit. On 22 June 2026 the Information Commissioner's Office (ICO), the UK regulator for information rights, ruled that the ministry had not shown the cost limit would be exceeded and that the risk of identification applies only to counts below five. It ordered the ministry to release the information within 30 days. The ministry appealed the decision to the First-tier Tribunal in July 2026. According to Brussels Signal, Justice Secretary Alex Norris, who took office on 20 July 2026, had kept the appeal in place as of August 2026. A ministry spokesman said the ministry does not comment on live legal proceedings.
Migration Observatory, University of Oxford (Ben Brindle): Migrants and crime in the UK2026-08-18
Summary
The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford bases its briefing on Ministry of Justice FOI responses that break down the cautions and convictions on the police register by year, nationality and offence type. In 2024 foreign nationals received 43,250 cautions or convictions in England and Wales, 13.1% of the total. By the Observatory's own estimate about 13.5% of the adult population were foreign nationals in 2025, so by its reckoning the overall rate was roughly the same as for British citizens. Foreign nationals received 9.2% of the cautions and convictions for violent offences, 15.4% of those for sexual offences and 15.6% of those for drug offences. They made up 12.1% of prisoners in June 2025 and 18.7% of people entering prison in 2025, because they are granted bail while awaiting trial less often than British citizens. The briefing compares nationalities on 2021 figures, the year in which the census gives the most reliable population counts. There were 57.9 convictions per 10,000 residents aged 16 or over among British citizens and 66.0 among all foreign nationals. The rate was 766.1 for Albanian citizens, 375.2 for Iraqi, 240.8 for Afghan and 229.9 for Iranian citizens, while Indian, Pakistani, French and Chinese citizens were underrepresented. According to the briefing the figures for some nationalities may be too high because the census does not reach everyone in the country illegally, and there is some evidence of this for Albania. Of Albanian citizens' convictions 61% were for drug offences, and the briefing says the high figure may partly reflect criminal networks whose members do not live in the country permanently.
Terrorism and terrorist offences in Finland
The Finnish Security and Intelligence Service assesses the terrorist threat in Finland, and the crime and court statistics show how often terrorist offences are recorded and how often they lead to convictions. The statistics do not break terrorist offences down by the offender's origin or citizenship, so they say nothing about overrepresentation. The Turku stabbing is the only attack carried out in Finland that has led to a conviction for a terrorist offence, and it is described on the timeline.
In a year-long study the Criminal Sanctions Agency identified 84 prisoners showing signs of violent extremist thinking or radicalisation. At the time of the report 45 were still in prison and 39 had been released or deported. According to Juha Eriksson, the agency's security manager for southern Finland, most cases were religiously motivated and mainly involved prisoners of foreign background. The report describes assaults by prisoners of Muslim background that were suspected of being religiously motivated. Some prisoners celebrated Islamist terror attacks. According to Eriksson, inmates cheered and clapped on a ward after the Turku stabbing. The report recommends staff training, better data gathering and more secure placement of prisoners, because there is no evidence that rehabilitation methods work against radicalisation. Eriksson says the phenomenon is still fairly minor in Finland.
According to the Criminal Sanctions Agency, Finnish prisons hold radicalised people with the ability and the will to commit terrorist acts. A project in the southern Finland sanctions region identified 112 people linked to violent extremism or radicalisation between August 2016 and January 2018. Of them, 76 were linked to radical Islamism. Radicalisation usually happened through another prisoner or a prison gang, and bitterness was the clearest risk factor. At the time Finland had no rehabilitation programmes tailored to extremist prisoners.
In September 2025 Päijät-Häme District Court sentenced Simon Ekpa, a Finnish citizen living in Lahti, to six years in prison. Ekpa was convicted of public incitement to an offence with terrorist intent and participation in the activity of a terrorist group, and also of aggravated tax fraud and a breach of the Advocates Act. According to the court, he used social media to lead a separatist movement that seeks independence for Biafra in south-eastern Nigeria. Armed groups were set up under the movement, and the court considered them terrorist groups. The offences were committed in Lahti but were directed abroad. According to Deputy Prosecutor General Jukka Rappe, terrorist offences are rare in Finland. The judgment was not final when the news was published.
The authorities recorded the following numbers of terrorist offences under chapter 34 a of the Criminal Code in 2014–2025: 7, 20, 6, 23, 2, 1, 0, 1, 3, 9, 6 and 3. Of the 2015 figure, 12 were murders with terrorist intent recorded by the National Bureau of Investigation. The 2017 figure includes two murders and nine attempted murders with terrorist intent, and these include the acts of the Turku attack. At first instance, a terrorist offence was the principal offence of the sentence for five people in 2015–2024. One of them was sentenced in 2018 and four in 2023. The 2018 sentence was life imprisonment, for two murders and eight attempted murders with terrorist intent. In 2023 the courts found four aggravated firearms offences with terrorist intent and six counts of training for a terrorist offence proven. Over the same years the courts dismissed 13 terrorist-offence charges. Six of the dismissed charges date from 2017, five from 2018 and two from 2024. The statistics do not record the origin or citizenship of suspects or convicts.
The Finnish Security and Intelligence Service has assessed the terrorist threat in Finland as elevated since June 2017. Until 2024 the threat was at level two of a four-step scale, elevated. In its 2025 assessment the service moved to a five-step scale, on which the threat is at level three, elevated. According to the 2026 assessment, the most likely threat of an attack comes from lone individuals and small groups who support radical Islamist or far-right ideology, and a large-scale attack in Finland is unlikely. According to the service, radical Islamist terrorism remains the principal threat in Europe. The service does not publish a breakdown of its targets by ideology. There were about 390 counter-terrorism targets at the end of 2019 and about 350 according to the assessments published in March 2023 and March 2024. According to the service, the number nearly doubled in the 2010s, as recruitment networks linked to the conflict in Syria and Iraq became active and foreign fighters left Finland. The service states that the number of targets does not directly indicate the threat level. According to the 2025 assessment, about 50 people who had left Finland were still in the conflict zone in Syria and Iraq, most of them probably dead. According to the service's 2024 assessment, Helsinki District Court handed down the first conviction for training for a terrorist offence in April 2023. The convicted person was a Spanish citizen who had lived in Finland, and he was deported in August 2023.
The National Research Institute of Legal Policy report studies immigrants both as offenders and as victims, using register and survey data. The register part is based on assaults, thefts, robberies and rapes reported to the police in 2010–2011, compared with a sample from the population register. The survey part is based on two 2012 surveys, the Finnish Self-Report Delinquency Study (N = 8,914) and the National Crime Victim Survey (N = 7,746). In the register part, immigrants are the foreign-born and the Finland-born whose mother tongue is not Finnish, Swedish or Sami. Measured as an odds ratio, the assault rate of immigrants from the Middle East and Africa was five to six times that of Finland-born Finnish speakers. For assault, the rate of people born in East Asia, North America and Western Europe, Sweden excepted, was below the native level. Standardising for age, sex and income lowered the assault rate of immigrants from Africa by more than 45% and that of immigrants from the Middle East by 55%. The gap to the native population narrowed but remained statistically significant. For rape, nearly every immigrant group had a rate well above the native population, and population structure and income did not explain the gap. The differences between immigrant groups were larger than the gap between immigrants and natives, and age, sex and income did not explain them. A high offending rate went with a high risk of victimisation, because much of the violence happened within the same group. Immigrants' risk of becoming an assault victim was 2.5 times that of the native population. The register and survey data gave broadly the same results. By the authors' calculation there would have been 8% fewer assaults and 27% fewer rapes if immigrants' propensity to offend had been at the native level.
Salmi, Kivivuori & Aaltonen, European Journal of Criminology 12(6)2015
Summary
The data is the 2012 wave of the Finnish Self-Report Delinquency Study (N = 8,914). Because the offending is self-reported rather than drawn from police records, the result is not exposed to reporting-propensity or police-targeting bias, unlike suspicion statistics. Several forms of delinquency were more common among immigrant youth than among native youth. A report by the National Research Institute of Legal Policy on the same survey (Lehti et al. 2014, OPTL research report 265) finds the gap statistically significant in, for example, shoplifting, which 10% of immigrant youth and 7% of native youth had committed in the past year, and school bullying (26% and 19%). Among ninth-graders, immigrant youth had used cannabis (19% and 9%) and other drugs clearly more often than native youth. Binge drinking and most forms of vandalism showed no significant difference. The authors' central result is explanatory: the gap was tied to routine activities and parental control, and once a wide set of background variables was controlled for, the elevated risk among immigrant youth shrank but remained statistically significant. The same pattern as in the site's own standardisations: background explains part of the gap, not all of it.
In 2018, 297,600 crime suspects were identified, of whom 34,200 were foreign nationals. Age- and gender-standardised suspicion index: foreign nationals were suspected 1.2x more often than Finnish nationals. Iraqi men were suspected of sexual offences 12.8x more often than Finnish men (2017–2018 combined). Somali men were suspected of drug offences 3.4x more often. Swedish women of property crimes 3.1x more often. Iraqis overall 2.0x, Swedes 2.3x. Figures represent suspicions, not convictions.
Helsingin yliopisto, Kriminologian ja oikeuspolitiikan instituutti2026-02
Summary
The Rikollisuustilanne 2024 review standardises crime-suspect rates using Eurostat's European Standard Population (a different method from the site's own direct age/sex standardisation of StatFin tables). In 2024 the age-standardised non-traffic crime rate was 839 per 10,000 for the foreign-background population vs. 465 for the Finnish-background population, a ~1.8× gap that persists after standardisation. For assault the standardised rate was about 70% higher and for sexual offences more than 1.5× higher, but for theft it was lower for the foreign-background population, and the sexual-offence gap has narrowed because the Finnish-background rate has risen faster. The review links this to the 2023 consent-based law reform and a lowered threshold for reporting. As shares: in 2024 people with a foreign background made up 19% of non-traffic crime suspects and 17% of traffic offence suspects, highest by crime type in smuggling (32%), rape (32%) and tax offences (30%). Non-traffic crime committed by immigrants has grown roughly 70% since 2015, mostly explained by growth in the foreign-background population: the age-standardised rate rose about 7% for the foreign-background population and 12% for the Finnish-background one. Victims: between 2015 and 2024 police recorded over 77,000 crime victims with a foreign background, the annual count growing from 5,400 (2015) to 11,439 (2024), about 14% of all police-recorded victims. The victim share was highest in violence and threat offences: assault and unlawful threats averaged 15%, stalking 15%, robbery and rape 12%.
Four nationally representative self-report studies, N = 21,504 Swedish adolescents (mean age 15). Both first- and second-generation immigrants report committing more offences than natives. Because the data are self-reported rather than police-recorded, the result cannot be explained by reporting propensity or policing focus, and the gap appears in the second generation as well. The authors stress, however, that the association is weak and accounts for only a marginal amount of the variance in total offending. The link between delinquent friends and offending is stronger for both immigrant generations than for natives. The same authors note that overrepresentation is markedly larger in register data than in self-reports, and that the register gap is at least partly due to how likely a young person is to be recorded by the police in the first place.
The share of foreign suspects and offenders in serious narcotics cases investigated by the National Bureau of Investigation (KRP) was 53% in 2024 and 79% in 2025 up to early November, KRP intelligence chief Jaakko Christensen said in a Rikospaikka interview, so the 2025 figure is a part-year interview figure. The figures do not cover all drug offences, only the most serious cases KRP investigates, which are often linked to organised crime. By nationality, Swedes have risen to the top of KRP's drug cases and are the second-largest group across all serious drug crimes, after Estonians. KRP's priorities include organised crime, street gangs and Swedish organised crime. Youth violent crime has also been rising since 2015.
Violent crimeSafetySocial cohesion
Key figures
Standardised for age and sex, the violent-crime rate of the whole foreign-national population was about 1.5 times that of Finnish citizens in 2025.
Among men aged 18–29, those of North African background had a violent-crime rate 5.0 times that of Finnish-background men of the same age (2015–2024 average).
In 2020–2023 the rate among young people of foreign background was about 5.3 homicides or attempted homicides per 10,000, against about 1.9 among young people of Finnish background.
In Finland 20.4 per cent of violent-crime suspects were of foreign background in 2025, while their share of the population was 11.7 per cent. Per resident, people of foreign background were suspected about twice as often as people of Finnish background, 104 against 53 suspects per 10,000 residents (table 13z4). The usual response to the over-representation is age structure: arrivals include many young men, and young men commit more violence whatever their background. For violent crime that does not account for it. Per resident, foreign citizens were suspected 1.9 times as often as Finnish citizens in 2025, and standardising for age and sex narrows the gap to 1.5 times. In 2024 the figures were 2.0 and 1.6 (table 13yy).
Violent crime rate of young men (18–29) by region of origin relative to Finnish-background · 2015–2024 avg.
The figure is the ratio to Finnish-background men of the same age: 1 is the same level, 2 twice it. The bar is a ten-year average.
Details
Both rates are unweighted 10-year (2015–2024) averages for men aged 18–29.
Not separately age-standardised, since the comparison is already restricted to one age and sex group.
Background-country groups are internally heterogeneous and vary greatly in size. In small groups individual cases can shift the whole group's rate substantially.
The East Asia figure is omitted due to too few cases (avg. ~5 suspects/yr).
Penalties by citizenship · violent offences 2022–2024
The statistics name only nine foreign countries separately, and the citizens of other countries appear in the chart as region groups. For violent offences, foreign citizens received 19.3 penalties per 10,000 residents a year in 2022–2024 and Finnish citizens 11.5. The foreign level was 1.7 times the Finnish one. It was highest for citizens of Somalia and Iraq, 6.7 and 6.5 times the level of Finnish citizens. Among the region groups the level was highest for citizens of the rest of Africa, 37.3, and lowest for citizens of the rest of Asia, 8.4.
Violent offences are Statistics Finland's group of offences against life and health. It includes homicides and assaults but also negligent homicide and negligent bodily injury.
A region group is a continent with the separately named countries taken out. Other Asia therefore includes Syria, China and India, for example, and the differences within the group do not show.
Europe is split by EU28 membership, so the United Kingdom is in Other EU. Other Europe means the non-EU European countries apart from Türkiye and Russia, Ukraine for example. The All foreign row covers every foreign citizen, stateless people and those whose citizenship is unknown included.
The figures are penalties, not people, and one person can receive several in a year. They cover court sentences, penalty-order fines, summary fines and petty fines. The chart includes permanent residents of Finland only. According to Statistics Finland, asylum seekers are not part of the permanent population, so their penalties are not in the chart.
Three years are added together because the smaller groups receive only a few dozen penalties a year. The level is the penalties of 2022–2024 divided by the populations of the same years. The 2020 road traffic reform turned most traffic violations into fees, so the levels of earlier years are not comparable.
The table does not split penalties by age and sex, so the figures cannot be standardised. In the suspect figures age and sex explain a large part of the gap.
Left out are the countries and groups with fewer than 5,000 citizens living in Finland or fewer than 20 penalties in the three years: Oceania.
Germany
In Germany, well over two fifths of violent-crime suspects are foreign nationals, and the share held almost steady in 2025 at 42.9%, against 43.1% a year earlier (BKA crime statistics).
A review of Nordic homicide by Martti Lehti, researcher at the Institute of Criminology and Legal Policy (Krimo): in Norway, Sweden and Denmark, immigrants now account for 25–40% of homicide perpetrators. In Finland and Iceland the share is 10%. In all Nordic countries the immigrant homicide rate exceeds the native rate, but the gap is larger in Scandinavia than in Finland. Finland's peculiarity: its immigrant homicide rate is the highest in the Nordics, but the native Finns' rate is also among the highest.
The National Bureau of Investigation (KRP) report on youth violent crime highlights an increase in aggravated robberies and homicides committed by minors after 2015. Between 2015 and 2020, youths with a foreign background were suspected of violent crimes 2.8 times more often than those with a native background (7.0 vs. 2.5 suspects per 1,000 residents). For 15–17-year-olds, the suspect rate was 28.3 for the foreign-born, 21.1 for Finland-born youths with a foreign background, and 7.9 for native-background youths per 1,000 residents. The share of foreign-background suspects among all minors suspected of violent crimes rose from 18% in 2015 to 23% in 2020.
Tilastokeskus, rikos- ja pakkokeinotilasto (StatFin rpk/13z4)2026
Summary
According to Statistics Finland's table, 20.4% of suspects of crimes against life and health were of foreign background in 2025, that is 6,884 of 33,711 suspects. In 2024 the share was 19.9% (5,941 of 29,870). Suspects are counted by case, and the denominator includes those whose origin is unknown. The same count gives 33.7% for suspects of rape or aggravated rape. People of foreign background made up 11.7% of the population.
According to the police crime statistics of Germany's Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA), 192,239 people were suspected of violent crime in 2025. 82,565 of them, or 42.9%, were not German citizens. In 2024 the share was 43.1% (85,012 of 197,347). Violent crime (Gewaltkriminalität) covers homicide, rape, robbery and serious assault, among other offences. 212,335 cases were recorded, 2.3% fewer than a year earlier. The figures are suspects, not convictions.
Violent crimes committed by persons with a foreign background are common in Helsinki, with the group being clearly overrepresented in police statistics. In the 2000s, suspects with a foreign background accounted for over 40% of rapes and nearly a third of robberies and extortions reported to the Helsinki police. The article is from February 2008, so “the 2000s” covers 2000–2007. The figures are old, but they still give an indication of a phenomenon that more recent reviews show has persisted.
Statistics Finland reports that approximately one in five (20%) suspects in aggravated robberies under the age of 21 has a foreign background. According to the police, a subset of foreign-background youths in the Helsinki metropolitan area carry weapons and are quick to use them. Yle also discusses the criteria for reporting the ethnic background of suspects.
A National Police Board analysis (Polstat data 2007–2024): homicides and attempted homicides by under-21s have increased since 2019, driven mainly by attempted murders. In 2020–2023 the rate for Finnish-background youths was about 1.9 and for foreign-background youths about 5.3 homicides or attempts per 10,000 people, nearly triple. Over half of suspects were men aged 18–20, about 28% were minors, and nearly 80% had prior violent offences.
Sexual crimesSafetySocial cohesion
Key figures
In Finland 33.7% of those suspected of rape or aggravated rape in 2025 were of foreign background, against 11.7% of the population.
In the 2018 sexual-offence convictions of the Helsinki and Oulu district courts, 43 of 82 convicts (52.4%) were of foreign background.
Sexual offending is among the most contested topics in the immigration debate. In Finland 33.7 per cent of those suspected of rape or aggravated rape in 2025 were of foreign background, against 11.7 per cent of the population. Per resident, people of foreign background were suspected about four times as often as people of Finnish background, 5.5 against 1.4 suspects per 10,000 residents. The same pattern recurs across Europe: a University of Lund study (2025) finds that a clear majority of those convicted of rape in Sweden have an immigrant background, and Eurostat data show police-recorded sexual offences, and rape in particular, rising steeply across the EU over the past decade.
The usual response is that the gap reflects age and sex structure: arrivals include many young men, and young men commit more crime whatever their background. For sexual offences that does not account for it. The age- and sex-standardised level is clearly above that of Finnish citizens for the foreign population as a whole, and several times higher for the major refugee-origin countries.
The charts in this section are unstandardised and mix suspects with convictions, see the standardisation note in the Criminality section.
Sexual violence and rape in the EU · 2014–2024
The bars are police-recorded sexual violence offences and the line the rapes among them, in thousands a year from the same 26 EU countries.
Sexual violenceRape
Show the figures
Year
Sexual violence
Rape
2014
127.2
39.2
2015
126.6
39.2
2016
138.7
44.3
2017
143.8
48.9
2018
162.5
54.8
2019
173.2
60.6
2020
172.4
63.7
2021
202.5
77.1
2022
224.2
85.6
2023
237.5
91.9
2024
248.9
98.2
Source: Eurostat · crim_off_cat · thousands of police-recorded offences · the 26 EU countries reporting both series in every year · ec.europa.eu/eurostat
Penalties by citizenship · sexual offences 2022–2024
The statistics name only nine foreign countries separately, and the citizens of other countries appear in the chart as region groups. For sexual offences, foreign citizens received 4.4 penalties per 10,000 residents a year in 2022–2024 and Finnish citizens 1.2. The foreign level was 3.7 times the Finnish one. It was highest for citizens of Iraq and Somalia, 19.1 and 12.8 times the level of Finnish citizens. Among the region groups it was highest for citizens of the rest of Africa, 10.5, and lowest for citizens of the other EU countries, 2.0.
A region group is a continent with the separately named countries taken out. Other Asia therefore includes Syria, China and India, for example, and the differences within the group do not show.
Europe is split by EU28 membership, so the United Kingdom is in Other EU. Other Europe means the non-EU European countries apart from Türkiye and Russia, Ukraine for example. The All foreign row covers every foreign citizen, stateless people and those whose citizenship is unknown included.
The figures are penalties, not people, and one person can receive several in a year. They cover court sentences, penalty-order fines, summary fines and petty fines. The chart includes permanent residents of Finland only. According to Statistics Finland, asylum seekers are not part of the permanent population, so their penalties are not in the chart.
Three years are added together because the smaller groups receive only a few dozen penalties a year. The level is the penalties of 2022–2024 divided by the populations of the same years. The 2020 road traffic reform turned most traffic violations into fees, so the levels of earlier years are not comparable.
The table does not split penalties by age and sex, so the figures cannot be standardised. In the suspect figures age and sex explain a large part of the gap.
Left out are the countries and groups with fewer than 5,000 citizens living in Finland or fewer than 20 penalties in the three years: Sweden, Romania, Russia, Türkiye, Iran, Other Europe, Americas, Oceania.
Sexual offences in recorded statistics across the EU and what perpetrator background shows
Eurostat statistics show a substantial rise in recorded sexual offences in several European countries: reported rapes in Spain rose 322% over a decade, and the EU-wide increase was about 150%. The number of recorded offences does not by itself say anything about perpetrators, however: over the same period several countries widened their legal definition of sexual offences (Spain in 2022, Sweden in 2018) and reporting propensity rose, both of which raise the figures without the number of acts changing. There is better evidence on perpetrator background than growth in totals: according to the Spanish Interior Ministry's own statistics, foreign nationals accounted for 37.3% of those arrested or investigated for sexual offences in 2023, while foreign nationals are about 13–14% of Spain's population. Note that Spain's tourist volume means some suspects do not live in the country and are not part of any population denominator.
Ministerio del Interior, Informe sobre delitos contra la libertad e indemnidad sexual (2023)2023
Summary
The Spanish Interior Ministry's annual report breaks down people arrested and investigated for sexual offences by nationality. In 2023, foreign nationals accounted for 37.3% (5,136 of 13,767) and Spanish nationals for 62.7%. The most common countries of origin were Morocco (1,001, or 7.3% of the total), Colombia (600, 4.4%) and Romania (344, 2.5%). Foreign nationals are about 13–14% of Spain's population, so the share is well above the population share. This is direct perpetrator-background data, unlike growth in the total number of recorded offences.
Eurostat news release: rapes recorded by the police in the EU rose by 150%, or 58,983 cases, between 2014 and 2024, to 98,190 in 2024. The release gives no country figures. Spain's 322% rise can be computed from Eurostat's database: 1,239 recorded rapes in 2014 and 5,222 in 2024.
IS investigation of 2018 sexual offence convictions in Helsinki and Oulu: out of 82 convicted individuals, 43 (52.4%) were of foreign background. In Helsinki, 40 foreign-background and 31 native Finns were convicted. In Oulu, 3 foreign-background and 8 native Finns.
Suspected sexual offences by taxi drivers in Helsinki multiplied after taxi deregulation (from 2 reports in 2017 to nearly 50 in 2023–2024). According to Helsinki police, the suspected drivers have without exception been of foreign background.
Per Statistics Finland's crime and coercive measures statistics, 364 of 1,080 (33.7%) rape/aggravated rape suspects in 2025 were of foreign background, up from 281 of 893 (31.5%) in 2024. In 2025 the foreign-background share of the population was 11.7%. The overrepresentation among suspects is therefore roughly threefold, and the suspects' share has risen steadily throughout the 2000s.
The Finns Party's party newspaper compiled the gang rapes against women that reached publicity in 2015–2026, over ten cases, in every one of which the perpetrators were of foreign background. In the compilation's only case where one of the perpetrators was of Finnish background, the victim was a man. The cases were found in news reports and public court documents with the help of an AI search, and the paper itself states that Finland has no comprehensive statistics on the backgrounds of gang rape perpetrators. In the paper's own search the perpetrators were of foreign background in practically every case it found.
Khoshnood, Sundquist & Sundquist (2025) – Immigrant background and rape conviction: a 21-year follow-up study in Sweden20255 findings
Peer-reviewed register study, Journal of Interpersonal Violence (DOI 10.1177/08862605241311611). Nationwide register data 2000–2020, case-control design. Open access: this source can be opened and checked directly.
Covers everyone convicted in Sweden between 2000 and 2020 of rape, aggravated rape or an attempt at either, where the victim was a woman aged 18 or over: 4,032 convicted and 20,160 matched controls.
Of those convicted, 36.9% were Swedish-born with two Swedish-born parents, against 69.5% of controls. So 63% of those convicted had an immigrant background.
The unadjusted odds ratio for those born abroad who arrived at 15 or older was 6.25 (CI 5.76–6.78), and 4.57 (4.16–5.03) for those who arrived before 15.
The authors' central result is what adjustment does. Controlling for socioeconomic status, substance-use and psychiatric disorders and prior criminality nearly halved the risk for those who arrived before 15 (4.57 → 2.37) but left it essentially unchanged for those who arrived at 15 or older (6.25 → 6.22).
The authors stress that the raised risk is concentrated among those resident less than five years and those who arrived at 15 or older, which they read as pointing to the role of acculturation.
German police recorded 751 group rapes in 2025. Of the suspects, 53 per cent were foreign nationals, while foreign nationals made up about 15 per cent of the population. Relative to population, there were 7 suspects per million German citizens, 117 per million Syrian citizens, 142 per million Afghan and 181 per million Iraqi citizens, 16 to 25 times the German level. The figures come from the Federal Government's answer to a written question in the Bundestag, because group rape has had no offence category of its own in the police statistics since 2018.
Group-rape suspects by citizenship · Germany 2025
Group-rape suspects recorded by the police relative to the population of the same citizenship. Shown are the five citizenships the Federal Government lists, and all foreign nationals together.
The figures are suspects known to the police, not convictions.
The police statistics record citizenship, not origin. German citizens include naturalised people and dual nationals.
Suspects include people who do not live in Germany and people there unlawfully, who are not in the population figures. In 2025 they were 2.6 per cent of all non-German rape suspects (BKA table T61, 118 / 4,601), so the effect is small.
The foreign populations are from the Central Register of Foreigners (AZR), which counts about 1.6 million more foreign nationals than the population estimate. That pulls the rates for foreign groups down. The German citizen population is the preliminary estimate for 30 November 2025.
The Federal Government gives only the five most frequent citizenships, so there is no figure for nationals of African countries after 2017, for example. The groups have only a few dozen suspects a year, so a single year's rate varies a lot.
The figures cannot be standardised for age and sex. Asylum seekers include many young men, and the age and sex structure explains part of the gap.
Since 2018 the figure is a special evaluation of the police statistics: rapes with more than one suspect (key 111700, "Tatverdächtige alleinhandelnd: nein"). It is not comparable with the 2017 categories.
Report KKF-Aktuell 4/2019 by the criminological research unit of the German Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) (Weber, Wührl & Spalding). Based on individual police-statistics records for 2017 under the group-rape categories 111200 and 111300.
German police recorded 380 group rapes in 2017, with 386 victims and 467 suspects. Almost 98 per cent of the suspects were men.
Of the suspects, 54.8 per cent were not German citizens. Foreign nationals made up 11.7 per cent of the population and 37.0 per cent of all suspects of rape and sexual coercion.
Computed from the figures in the report's table, there were 2.9 suspects per million German citizens and 26 per million foreign nationals, about nine times as many.
According to the BKA the reasons for the high foreign share remain open. The report notes that suspects known to the police are not a representative sample, since sexual offences have a large dark figure, and that foreign perpetrators may be more likely to be reported. It adds that a young age structure and precarious economic conditions are more common among foreign nationals and raise offending regardless of origin.
Property crimeSafetyEconomy
Key figures
Standardised for age and sex, the property-crime rate of the whole foreign-national population was below the native population's, about ×0.9, in 2025. Overrepresentation is still marked in certain groups: Somali citizens ×3.7, Swedish ×3.2, Estonian ×2.0 and Iraqi ×1.9.
Property crime is the one offence category where age and sex standardisation turns the picture around: the standardised rate for the whole foreign population is about ×0.9, below the native-background level.
That whole-population average hides wide differences between groups, though. Taken separately by citizenship, seven groups of at least 5,000 people remain above the native level even after standardisation in 2025: Somalia ×3.7, Sweden ×3.2, Estonia ×2.0, Iraq ×1.9, Syria ×1.6, Iran ×1.4 and Romania ×1.2. For the citizens of the largest refugee countries of origin, Iraq, Somalia, Syria and Afghanistan, taken together the level is ×1.9. Standardisation therefore explains the overrepresentation at the level of the whole population, but not within every group.
Unstandardised, youths with a foreign background are significantly overrepresented among robbery suspects, with particularly high rates for sub-Saharan African and Western Asian backgrounds. The figures in the chart below are unstandardised and concern young men, so they answer a different question from the standardised total.
Crime rate of young men (18–29) by region of origin relative to Finnish-background · 2015–2024 avg.
The figure is the ratio to Finnish-background men of the same age: 1 is the same level, 0.5 half of it. The bar is a ten-year average.
Details
The standardised per-group ratios are computed on this site from Statistics Finland tables rpk 13yy and vaerak 11rg for 2025, covering groups with at least 5,000 residents and 100 cases.
Both rates are unweighted 10-year (2015–2024) averages for men aged 18–29.
Not separately age-standardised, since the comparison is already restricted to one age and sex group.
Background-country groups are internally heterogeneous and vary greatly in size. In small groups individual cases can shift the whole group's rate substantially.
Helsingin yliopisto, Kriminologian ja oikeuspolitiikan instituutti2026-02
Summary
Table 2 of the Rikollisuustilanne 2024 review breaks down the crime rate of men aged 18–29 by region of origin (2015–2024 average, suspects per 10,000 population). The lowest property- and violent-crime rates are found among those with East Asian backgrounds, the highest among those with North African backgrounds. For sexual offences, the lowest rates are among East Asian backgrounds and the highest among those representing Sub-Saharan Africa and Western Asia. Differences in traffic offences are generally small, except for men with Western Asian backgrounds, whose rate is clearly higher than that of other groups. The review cautions that background-country groups are internally heterogeneous and that figures for small groups can be swayed by individual cases.
Statistics Finland's offences and coercive measures statistics record 439 robberies in 2019 across the 0–14, 15–17 and 18–20 age groups, with foreign-background people making up 24.2% of suspects, against 16.4% in 2018. The total number of robberies fell over the same period (458 to 439), so the share rose while the count shrank. The share was highest in the youngest groups: 34.3% (0–14) and 34.0% (15–17). Of the robberies committed by foreign-background youth, Sub-Saharan Africa accounted for 32% (0–14) and 36.4% (15–17), Western Asia for 16.0% and 24.0%. The numbers are small (24.2% of 439 is about a hundred cases), so year-to-year variation is large. Statistics Finland publishes figures only for suspects in cleared offences, and being a suspect implies neither prosecution nor conviction. A person counts as foreign-background if both parents were born abroad. Dual citizens holding Finnish citizenship are counted as Finnish.
Victims and offendersSafetySocial cohesion
Key figures
Of the hate crime reports linked to ethnic or national background in which the offender was identified, 83% were committed by the majority population in 2024. Per head, though, minority-background offenders committed them about 1.7 times as often as the majority.
In 2010–2017 the homicide rate of foreign citizens living permanently in Finland was slightly lower than that of Finnish citizens, 1.4 and 1.5 offenders per 100,000 residents a year. The foreign-born were still overrepresented among offenders about 1.7 times.
The backgrounds of victim and offender are published together only for hate crimes and homicides. People of foreign background, for example, are victims of assault about twice as often as the native population relative to their numbers, but the offenders' background is not published. In hate crimes motivated by the victim's ethnic or national background, the victim almost always belonged to a minority in 2024 and the offender mostly to the majority, in 83 per cent of the cases where the offender was identified. Per head, though, minority offenders were overrepresented about 1.7 times and the foreign-born among suspects about 2.2 times, of the same order as in crime in general.
In homicides the offender usually comes from the victim's own circle: in 2010–2017, 95 per cent of the killers of native victims were natives. The homicide rate of foreign citizens living permanently in Finland was slightly lower than that of Finnish citizens, 1.4 and 1.5 offenders per 100,000 residents a year. The foreign-born were still overrepresented among offenders about 1.7 times, because they include foreign-born Finnish citizens.
Hate crime reported to the police in Finland 202420255 findings
Jenita Rauta, Police University College reviews 41, 2025. National police report data, 1,223 reports linked to ethnic or national background
Of the 1,223 reports linked to ethnic or national background, in 803 (66%) the offender belonged to the majority and the victim to a minority, in 140 (11%) both belonged to minorities and in 20 (2%) a minority member targeted a member of the majority. In 259 reports (21%) the victim belonged to a minority but the offender was not described or was unknown.
The majority means a white person who is Finnish by country of birth and citizenship. The classification rests on what the police reports record.
The reports recorded 774 suspects. Of them 84 per cent were Finnish citizens and 79 per cent were born in Finland. The next largest groups of suspects were Iraqi and Estonian citizens.
A third (32%) of the victims knew the suspect. A neighbour was suspected in 19 per cent of cases.
Among foreign citizens, Syrian citizens were the most often victims of hate crime linked to ethnic or national background relative to their numbers, and 9 per cent of reports concerned a person of Roma background.
Homicide review 2019: citizenship, nationality and country of birth20195 findings
Martti Lehti, Katsauksia 34/2019, University of Helsinki, Institute of Criminology and Legal Policy. Homicide monitoring data 2010–2017, main suspects resident in Finland
Of the main suspects, 90 per cent were Finland-born Finnish or dual citizens, 5 per cent foreign-born Finnish or dual citizens and 5 per cent foreign-born foreign citizens.
The homicide rate of foreign citizens living permanently in Finland was somewhat lower than that of native Finns: 1.4 and 1.5 offenders per 100,000 residents a year. Estonians, Russians and Arabic speakers were at the native level, Somali speakers (3.1) and Kurdish speakers (2.4) above it.
In homicides committed by people of foreign background, the victim was a native in 53 per cent, of the offender's own ethnic group in 36 per cent and of another immigrant group in 11 per cent.
Of the killers of men of foreign background, 60 per cent were natives, 24 per cent of the victim's own nationality and 16 per cent of other immigrant groups. Of the killers of women of foreign background, 57 per cent were of the victim's own nationality, 29 per cent natives and 10 per cent of other groups.
Homicide mortality among people of immigrant background was clearly lower than the native population's for men and considerably higher for women.
Domestic violence and perpetrator backgroundSafetySocial cohesion
Key figures
According to the West Uusimaa police, nearly half of domestic-violence suspects in Espoo were born abroad, while foreign-language speakers make up over a quarter of the city's population (2026).
In 2025 intimate-partner and domestic violence that came to the authorities' attention had 15,500 victims. About 19% of them were of foreign background, against a population share of 12%.
According to the West Uusimaa police, nearly half of domestic-violence suspects in Espoo were born abroad, while foreign-language speakers make up over a quarter of the city's population. According to Statistics Finland, about 19 per cent of domestic-violence victims nationwide in 2025 were of foreign background, against 12 per cent of the population. The over-representation thus covers victims as well as suspects.
These are unstandardised shares of suspects and victims, not age- and sex-standardised offence rates. The Espoo figure was given by the police in an interview and is not a published statistic.
In 2025 the intimate-partner and domestic violence offences that came to the authorities' attention had 15,500 victims, 20.2% more than the year before. 75% of suspects were men. About 19% of victims were of foreign background, against 18% in 2024. People of foreign background make up 12% of Finland's population. The number of foreign-background victims grew by 27% and that of Finnish-background victims by 19%.
Published on the day of the Sello mall shooting in Espoo, with Martti Lehti of the National Research Institute of Legal Policy giving background on violence among immigrants. Lehti says family violence is the largest single category among homicides committed by immigrants, that jealousy is perhaps a more prominent motive in them and that the perpetrator is typically sober, with Russians the exception: their homicides resemble those committed by Finns. The article's headline generalises this to violent crime as a whole, although Lehti's assessment is specifically about homicide. He also says immigrants' overall crime rate is substantially higher than the native population's, though the absolute number of offences is small. From the victim's side: an immigrant woman's risk of being killed is nearly twice that of a native-born Finnish woman, with no difference for men, and in 2002–2007 4% of women killed in Finland were foreign-born.
According to Markku Heinikari, deputy police chief of the West Uusimaa police department, nearly half of domestic-violence suspects in Espoo were born abroad, whereas foreign-language speakers make up over 25 per cent of Espoo's population. He says about 40 per cent of violent offences in the area are linked to domestic violence. The figure was given in an interview and is not a published statistic.
FGM and honour-based violenceSafetyValues and attitudes
Key figures
Over 10,000 women and girls living in Finland are estimated to have undergone female genital mutilation.
In a Statistics Finland survey (2024), 3% of men considered the genital mutilation of girls acceptable in certain circumstances. Among men under 25 the share was 10%, and among foreign-background men 8%.
About 23,000 people living in Finland have been pressured or forced into marriage (Statistics Finland, 2024). The assistance system for victims of human trafficking took on 66 forced-marriage victims in 2024.
Female genital mutilation originates in countries where the practice is common, and it came to Finland with migration. Honour-related violence is also discussed here in connection with immigration, but the survey evidence on it covers the whole population. Neither is recorded as an offence category of its own, so what is known rests on estimates and surveys.
FGM is a crime in Finland. THL estimates that more than 10,000 women and girls living in Finland have undergone genital mutilation, and that 650–3,000 girls are at risk of it. In Statistics Finland's 2021 survey, 8% of 16–74-year-olds had witnessed or experienced honour-related violence, about 325,000 people. The same survey also measured forced marriage and attitudes to mutilation: about 23,000 people living in Finland have been pressured or forced into marriage, and 3% of men consider the mutilation of girls acceptable in certain circumstances, rising to 10% among men under 25. Survey data on values is under views of Europe’s Muslims and the overall picture of violence under violent crime.
Mutilation and honour violence in figures
10 000Women and girls in Finland who have undergone mutilation (THL estimate)
3 000Girls at risk of mutilation, upper estimate (THL)
8Of those aged 16-74 who have seen or experienced honour violence, %
Details
The THL figures are estimates, not measurements: mutilation is not recorded in health data as a category of its own.
The honour-violence survey covers the whole population, not only people of foreign background.
Men who accept the mutilation of girls in certain circumstances
Nobody has measured what Muslims living in Finland think about mutilation. This is the closest measurement, and it separates respondents by origin: foreign background means both parents were born abroad. The shares among women are lower throughout, on average 2%.
3Of all men aged 18-74, %
10Of men under 25, %
8Of foreign-background men, %
Details
The question was whether mutilation can be acceptable in certain circumstances. It measures whether a respondent rejects the practice outright, not any intention to carry it out.
Statistics Finland warns that young men and people of foreign background are a small group in the data: 1,423 men answered in all. The figures for these subgroups are indicative.
Prevalence of mutilation in background countries · share of women aged 15-49
The scale of the question follows from which countries people came from. About 42,000 people living in Finland have a background country where more than half of women have been cut. Of them 28,000 are of Somali background, and in Somalia the practice is close to universal. The largest background group on this list by headcount is nonetheless the Iraqi one, and Iraq's national figure is low.
The figure is the prevalence in the country of origin, not among people living in Finland. THL estimates that more than 10,000 women and girls living in Finland have undergone mutilation.
Survey years differ by country because each figure is that country's most recent: Somalia 2020, Iraq 2018, Egypt 2015, Eritrea 2010, Nigeria 2024.
The practice follows region and ethnic group more than religion. In Ethiopia it stands at 82% among Muslims and 10% among the Orthodox, but in Nigeria at 14% among Muslims and 27% among followers of traditional religions, and in Kenya at 46% among Muslims and 68% among the traditional. In most Muslim-majority countries the practice does not exist at all.
Included are the countries that practise mutilation and have a background group of at least 200 people in Finland.
Forced marriage on two measures
The population survey and the assistance system measure different things. The survey says how many people living in Finland have at some point been married against their will. The assistance-system figure says how many came to the authorities' attention during one year as victims of human trafficking. The second is a fraction of the first, and the gap is a gap in what comes to light, not in what happens.
23 000People in Finland who have been pressured or forced into marriage
1Of ever-married under-75s, married against their will, %
66Forced-marriage victims taken on by the assistance system in 2024
Details
Most of those married against their will were married as a result of persuasion or pressure. Direct coercion is reported by 0.2% of those who have been married.
Statistics Finland notes that a population survey does not reach narrowly defined groups, and that forced marriage may be more common in some population groups than the population-level figure suggests.
The assistance-system figure shows no trend: 72 victims in 2022, 50 in 2023 and 66 in 2024. The relative share has still risen, and in the first half of 2025 forced marriage was the most common form of exploitation at 34%.
In 2024 forced marriage was written more explicitly into the human trafficking provisions of the criminal code. It is not an offence category of its own, so court statistics yield no series.
THL estimates that more than 10,000 women and girls living in Finland have undergone female genital mutilation. THL puts the number of girls at risk at 650–3,000. MAAMU study (THL Report 61/2012, ch. 8.2 · Koponen & Mölsä): about seven in ten women of Somali background (69%) and almost a third of those of Kurdish background (32%) said they had been circumcised. These are estimates, not population-adjusted offence rates.
A Statistics Finland report that measured, for the first time across the whole population, forced marriage, honour-related violence and attitudes to genital mutilation. About 1% of ever-married under-75s were married against their will, some 23,000 people. Honour-related violence has been witnessed or experienced by 8% of 16-74-year-olds, about 325,000 people, 80,000 of whom experienced it themselves. The mutilation of girls is considered acceptable in certain circumstances by 3% of men, rising to 10% among men under 25 and 8% among foreign-background men.
Nearly one in ten Finns aged 16–74 have witnessed or experienced honour-based violence. More than one in ten people under 35 know at least a victim or perpetrator or have experienced it themselves. About 1% have been married against their will. The figure covers the whole population and includes both witnessing and experiencing the violence, not victims alone. These are survey answers, not population-adjusted or age- and sex-standardised offence rates, so the figure is not comparable with the standardised ratios in the Criminality section.
Annual review 2024 of the assistance system for victims of human trafficking: forced marriage accounted for 32% of new clients and became the second most common form of trafficking after forced labour (45%). There were 66 victims, against 50 in 2023 and 72 in 2022. There is no clear upward trend, but the relative share has risen. A forced marriage may have taken place wholly or partly abroad even when the victim lives in Finland.
An Yle MOT investigation into the practice known as dhaqan celis. A young person is sent abroad to a disciplinary institution under the guise of a holiday. Reporter Wali Hashi posed as a father looking for a placement and documented facilities in Somalia and Kenya: residents in chains, an electrified barbed-wire perimeter, and fees of several hundred euros a month. A report by Kriisivalmiusjärjestö, funded by the Ministry of Justice, had already confirmed that young people have been sent from Finland to such institutions. How many are affected is not known.
Street gangsSafetySocial cohesion
Key figures
According to the police situation report (autumn 2023), Finland has 10 street gangs with about 260 people linked to them. They are mostly men aged 18–30, and a large share have an immigrant background, their own or in the second generation.
Street-gang violence in Sweden has featured heavily in the immigration debate, and in Finland the question has been whether the same phenomenon has reached the other side of the Gulf of Bothnia. Finland does have street gangs: the police's national street-gang situation report (autumn 2023) identifies 10 street gangs in Finland and about 260 people linked to them, roughly half core members and half other associates. In autumn 2025 the police put the gangs' core at about 150 people.
According to the police, gang members are mainly men aged 18–30, and the majority are immigrants or people of foreign background born in Finland. By the autumn 2025 assessment a large share of them hold Finnish citizenship and the majority were born in Finland. No more precise official share has been published.
The phenomenon is rooted in the Helsinki region, with signs of street-gang crime also in Turku, Tampere and Oulu. The overall picture of violence is under violent crime, and what is known about those born in Finland under the second generation.
Police street-gang situation report · autumn 2023
10Street gangs in Finland
260People linked to the gangs (approx.)
95Foreign background, % (2022 estimate)
Details
Of the people in the situation report, police assess about half to be core members and half other associates, such as accomplices.
The police national street-gang situation report: in autumn 2023 the police identified 10 street gangs in Finland, with about 260 people linked to them, about half of them core members and half other associates, such as accomplices. People of foreign background are prominent in the groups, and those linked to the gangs are mainly men aged 18–30. The areas involved are socioeconomically disadvantaged with relatively large foreign-background populations.
According to the police, the street-gang situation did not change materially during 2025, and gang-related crime suspicions fell somewhat. By an assessment made in autumn 2025 the gangs have about 150 core members, and the circle of people linked to them is wider. Gang members are mainly men of foreign background aged 18–30, from several nationalities. A large share of them hold Finnish citizenship, and the majority were born in Finland.
In October 2022, Jonne Rinne, chair of the Finnish Police Federation, told Iltalehti that 11 street gangs with about 200 members operate in the Helsinki region and Turku. According to Rinne, over 90% of the members are adults and 95% are of foreign background judged by name and ethnicity. In the same interview he said: “We are on Sweden's path.”
The 95% foreign-background share is the police union chair's estimate based on the members' names and ethnicity. It is not an official police statistic or register data.
According to the police, about 10 street gangs with roughly 200 members operate in Finland. Around 20 gang-related criminal cases from 2021–2022 were under investigation, with 23 suspects aged 18–29. Charges include attempted murder, aggravated robberies, extortion, firearms offences and witness intimidation. Helsinki police set up a new 16-person investigation unit against the phenomenon.
The second generation in crime statisticsSafetySocial cohesion
Key figures
In 2025 Finland-born 18–29-year-olds of foreign background were suspected of offences more often than either comparison group: 70% more often than people of Finnish background and almost twice as often as those born abroad. The age range is restricted because the second generation is much younger than the native population.
The Finland-born second generation of foreign background is almost always Finnish by citizenship, so citizenship-based crime statistics cannot separate it at all. In those statistics it is part of the native population. Statistics Finland also records suspects by origin, and in that split the group appears on its own from 2010 onwards.
The overrepresentation of the foreign-born has many possible explanations that cannot apply to people born here: language, interrupted schooling, selection by the grounds for entry, time in the country and conditions in the country of origin. The Finland-born generation went to Finnish school and speaks the language, so those explanations do not hold for it. The citizenship-based overall picture is under criminality and the same generation at school under education.
Suspected offenders relative to the Finnish-background rate, aged 18 to 29 · Finland 2010–2025
The chart shows each group's suspect rate relative to the Finnish-background rate, which is the baseline of 100.
Index, Finnish background = 100
Finnish background, born in FinlandForeign background, born abroadForeign background, born in Finland
Details
The ratio is used because the offence classification changed in 2021 and cut every group's absolute level at once. A ratio stays comparable across that break, absolute figures do not.
A suspect is not a convict. The figure counts suspicions recorded by the police, not guilt.
The age band is restricted to 18 to 29 because the second generation is far younger than the native population. Whole-population figures would compare groups of different ages.
In sexual offences the second generation is below the native level, as are its minors across all offences. The chart covers all offences and infractions together.
Show the figures
Year
Finnish background, born in Finland (Index, Finnish background = 100)
Foreign background, born abroad (Index, Finnish background = 100)
Foreign background, born in Finland (Index, Finnish background = 100)
Suspected offenders by type of offence relative to Finland-born people of Finnish background · Finland 2025
One figure does not describe the group. When suspects are split by type of offence and age, the two generations fall on opposite sides: in sexual offences the overrepresentation is among the foreign-born and the Finland-born stay below the native level, while in overall crime among 18 to 29-year-olds the order reverses. The baseline of 100 is the rate of Finland-born people of Finnish background in the same age band.
Index, Finland-born people of Finnish background in the same age band = 100
Finnish background, born in Finland (= 100)Foreign background, born in FinlandForeign background, born abroad
Details
The dashed-edged bar is the baseline of 100, Finland-born people of Finnish background. The blue bar is foreign-background people born in Finland, the orange one those born abroad.
The sexual-offence cells are small: 25 suspects among the Finland-born aged 18 to 29 and 56 among minors, so these figures move a lot from year to year.
Suspected of penal-code offences by region of origin, aged 18 to 29 · Finland 2021–2025
When the regions of origin are separated, the second generation is more overrepresented than those born abroad in seven regions out of eight. Overall the Finland-born second generation is represented 1.5 times and those born abroad 1.1 times. The order of the regions is almost the same for both generations: the highest levels are among people of Western Asian and African background, the lowest among those of Southeast Asian and Oceanian and of Eastern European background. The baseline of 100 is Finland-born people of Finnish background in the same age band.
Index, Finland-born people of Finnish background in the same age band = 100
Finnish background, born in Finland (= 100)Foreign background, born in FinlandForeign background, born abroad
Details
The figure counts persons: each suspect once a year, by their most serious offence of the year. Only suspects with a Finnish personal identity code are included. The other charts in this section count case occurrences, where the same person appears once for every case. The second generation's level is therefore lower here than in them. For penal-code offences in 2025 it was 169 counted by case and 151 counted by person.
The figures are averages of 2021–2025, because the smallest groups have only tens of suspects a year. The second-generation North African group averages 60 suspects a year and the Southeast Asian and Oceanian group 50.
People of American and East Asian background are left out, because the second generation has only 4 to 6 suspects a year in them.
In Statistics Finland's table the group “South and Central Asia and Western Europe” is named just Western Europe, and South and Central Asia have no region of their own in the table. The group's population base, however, matches the population statistics' South Asian, Central Asian and Western European background combined. Of the second generation aged 20 to 29 in 2024, 92 per cent were of South Asian background, the largest being Iran, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Northern Europe includes the Baltic states. Its second generation is mostly of Estonian and Swedish background.
Second-generation suspects are not published by individual country.
The only standardisation is the restriction to one age band. Sex and the parents' socio-economic position are not accounted for. In the comparable Swedish study, which is in this section's source box, standardising lowered the second generation's ratio from 3.2 to 1.7.
Brå 2021: crime suspects by origin in Sweden20217 findings
The Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention (Brottsförebyggande rådet), report 2021:9. Everyone aged 15 and over resident in Sweden at the end of 2014, suspects over 2015–2018.
Over 2015–2018, 3.2 per cent of people with both parents born in Sweden were suspected of a crime, 5.9 per cent of those with one parent born abroad, 8.0 per cent of those born abroad and 10.2 per cent of those born in Sweden to two parents born abroad.
The second generation's ratio was therefore 3.2 and that of those born abroad 2.5. The Sweden-born second generation was more overrepresented than those born abroad, as in the Finnish figures for 18 to 29-year-olds.
Standardising the groups for age, sex, disposable income, education and type of municipality lowered the second generation's ratio to 1.7 and that of those born abroad to 1.8. Once standardised, the order was thus reversed. Age structure lowered the ratios most, but part of the difference remained.
The second generation's ratio was highest for lethal violence including attempts and for robbery, 11.2 and 11.5, and 3.4 and 3.1 once standardised. For rape the ratio was 3.2 for both generations, and once standardised 1.4 for the second generation and 2.2 for those born abroad.
By the mother's region of birth, the share of second-generation suspects was smallest among people of East Asian background, 3.3 per cent. Among those of US, Canadian, Australian and New Zealand, EU15 and other Western European, Southeast Asian and other Oceanian, other Nordic, new EU member state and South Asian background it was 4.4 to 8.0 per cent. It was largest among those of Western Asian, East African, North African and other African background, 15.6 to 20.6 per cent.
Except for East and Central Asia, the second generation was suspected more often in every region than those born abroad in the same region. The researchers link this to the second generation being younger.
The figures concern Sweden, and suspects rather than convicts. The four-year window makes the shares larger than single-year figures.
Norway
Statistics Norway 2017: people charged with offences by origin in Norway20175 findings
Statistics Norway (Statistisk sentralbyrå), Rapporter 2017/36 (Andersen, Holtsmark and Mohn). Everyone aged 15 and over resident in Norway on 1 January 2010, people charged with an offence committed in 2010–2013.
For offences committed in 2010–2013, 4.5 per cent of the rest of the population were charged, as were 6.7 per cent of immigrants and 11.3 per cent of the Norway-born with two immigrant parents. Compared with the rest of the population, the second generation's ratio was therefore 2.5 and that of immigrants 1.5.
Standardising the groups for age and sex lowered the second generation's share to 6.8 per cent and that of immigrants to 5.8 per cent. Standardising for place of residence and employment as well gave 6.4 and 5.4 per cent. For the second generation the father's employment was used. Age and sex explained about two thirds of the second generation's overrepresentation, but part of it remained, and once standardised the second generation was still more overrepresented than immigrants.
According to the researchers, place of residence and employment explain little once age and sex are taken into account. In most immigrant groups part of the overrepresentation remained after standardisation.
Overrepresentation had fallen in every group since the previous report, which covered people resident in Norway in 2001. The fall was largest among refugees and people from Africa.
The figures concern Norway, and people charged by the police (siktet in Norwegian) rather than convicts. The four-year window makes the shares larger than single-year figures.
Foreign prisonersSafetyEconomy
Key figures
The number of foreign prisoners has grown 76% in ten years: in 2025 an average of 839 foreign citizens were in prison daily, 23.7% of all prisoners, against a 7.7% population share.
The number of foreign prisoners has doubled in four years: an average of 434 a day in 2021 and 839 in 2025. In 2025 foreign citizens were 23.7 per cent of the prison population and 7.7 per cent of the whole population. Prison statistics record only citizenship, so people granted Finnish citizenship appear in them as Finnish, and the prison share must be compared with the foreign-citizen share of the population rather than the foreign-background share. Crime statistics also classify suspects by origin. Those figures are under the second generation and criminality.
Details
The figure is an upper bound: prison counts include remand prisoners and people who do not live in Finland and are therefore part of no population denominator.
It is not standardised for age and sex, so it is not comparable with the standardised ratios in the Criminality section.
The prison share is the 2025 daily average and the population share the position at the end of 2025, when there were 432,654 foreign citizens (Statistics Finland 11rh).
Foreign prisoners, daily average · Finland 2014–2025
In 2025 nearly half (46%) of foreign prisoners were on remand, and the largest citizenship groups were Estonians, Iraqis and Swedes.
Prisoners, daily average
Foreign prisoners, daily average
Details
Foreign citizens (sentenced, fine-default and remand prisoners) as a daily average. The share view = foreigners' share of the average prisoner population.
Citizenship excludes naturalised citizens and foreign-background Finnish citizens.
Show the figures
Year
Foreign prisoners, daily average (Prisoners, daily average)
After the sentence: deportation and prisoner transfers
A foreign national can be deported from Finland on grounds of crime. The police or the Border Guard propose the deportation, and the Finnish Immigration Service decides it. A deportation decision does not yet mean that the person has been removed, because the police and the Border Guard carry out removals. A prisoner can also be transferred from Finland to another country. The removal of people staying in the country illegally is covered under illegal stay and returns.
According to Helsingin Sanomat, the Finnish Immigration Service made a record number of crime-based deportation decisions in 2025, more than 30 per cent more than a year earlier. According to Olli Koskipirtti, process owner for removals at the service, the reasons for the rise include stricter follow-up checks on residence permits and a law change in force from 2025 that lowered the threshold for deporting people granted international protection.
According to the Prison and Probation Service yearbook, 6,795 prisoners were released from prison in 2025. Of them, 43 were released because they were transferred to another country, so transfers made up less than one per cent of releases. All of those transferred were men. The yearbook does not show how many of the transfers were for serving the sentence in the prisoner's home country. Foreign prisoners numbered 839 a day on average in the same year.
Under section 149 of the Aliens Act, a foreign national who has stayed on a residence permit, or who has lost Finnish citizenship, can be deported if found guilty of an offence carrying a maximum penalty of at least one year in prison, or if found guilty of repeated offences. A refugee can be deported if he or she endangers national security, or is a danger to society because of a final conviction for a particularly serious crime. A refugee may not be deported to a country where he or she still needs international protection, and under section 147 no one may be deported to an area where he or she faces the death penalty, torture or persecution. Under section 168 an EU citizen can be deported if considered to endanger public order or public security. An EU citizen with permanent residence can be deported only on serious grounds, and one who has lived in Finland for ten years only on imperative grounds of public security. Under section 146 the decision must weigh the best interests of the child, the protection of family life, the length of stay and the person's ties to Finland and to the home country, and in a crime-based case also the seriousness of the offence. Since June 2026 a deportation decision in a matter other than international protection can be enforced 30 days after notification even if it has been appealed, unless an administrative court prohibits or suspends enforcement.
The Finnish Immigration Service decided to deport 92 people on grounds of crime in 2015, 146 in 2016, 99 in 2017, 92 in 2018, 122 in 2019, 119 in 2020, 101 in 2021, 83 in 2022, 135 in 2023, 126 in 2024 and 169 in 2025. In crime-based cases the service decided against deportation for 54 to 108 people a year over the same period, and for 58 people in 2025. Crime-based decisions are a small share of all deportation decisions. In 2025 the service decided to deport 2,774 people in all, and 2,605 of them on grounds of unauthorised stay. In January–August 2026 the service made 364 crime-based deportation decisions, and 254 of them were made in June–August. More than half of the June–August decisions concerned citizens of Estonia and Romania. The rise coincides with amendment 500/2026 to the Aliens Act, in force from 12 June 2026. Since the amendment the removal of an EU citizen who is in the country is always a deportation, whereas some of these removals used to be refusals of entry. The number of refusal-of-entry decisions made on other grounds fell at the same time. The 2026 figure therefore cannot be compared with earlier years. A deportation decision does not yet mean that the person has been removed from the country.
According to the Prison and Probation Service's yearbook, there were on average 839 foreign prisoners a day in 2025. That was a new record and about 150 more than a year earlier. It was 23.7% of all prisoners (3,545). 46% of foreign prisoners were on remand, and they held 78 different citizenships. The largest groups on 1 May 2025 were Estonia (112), Iraq (66), Sweden (58), Lithuania (42), Romania (42) and Albania (39). Of foreign prisoners serving a sentence, 49% had a drug offence as their principal offence and 21% a sexual offence. There were on average 20 foreign prisoners in 1990 and 477 in 2015, so the number has risen 76% in ten years. Foreign citizens are 7.7% of the population (432,654 people at the end of 2025, Statistics Finland), so the prison share is about 3.1 times the population share. Prison statistics are based on citizenship, not origin, so they say nothing about people of foreign background.
Yle, 17 September 2026: Finland's prisons hold about 3,900 prisoners, about 950 of them foreign citizens. The number of foreign prisoners has risen 76 per cent in ten years, and that rise accounts for about four fifths of the whole increase in the prison population. The most common principal offences are drug offences, sexual offences and homicides. The prison population is projected to reach 4,000 in 2028. For cost: a prison year costs an average of EUR 80,000 in Finland, while Sweden pays Estonia at least EUR 30.6 million a year for a minimum of 300 places, or EUR 102,000 per place.
Diversity and cohesion
Social cohesion should not be taken for granted. Several studies find a negative relationship between ethnic, and above all cultural, diversity and trust. According to a meta-analysis of the literature, the association is small on average. The values held in Europe's Muslim communities are an example of deep cultural differences. These differences are found above all between people from the main refugee-sending countries and the Finnish or European native population. Cohesion is also tested by whether society's obligations, such as military service, are shared evenly.
In public debate it is common to present diversity as strengthening a community in itself. The meta-analysis that draws the whole literature together (1,001 estimates from 87 studies) finds an association, but the other way: ethnic diversity goes with lower trust, most strongly for trust in neighbours and where diversity is measured at the level of the residential area.
The individual studies below, grouped by region and dating from 2007–2016, represent the part of the evidence that finds a negative association. The studies in the International group set limits on that association. The meta-analysis heads the list because it draws in the whole literature rather than only this selection. Survey data on values is under views of Europe’s Muslims and residential sorting under residential segregation.
The size of the evidence base and the trust gap Putnam measured
The meta-analysis's 1,001 estimates from 87 studies point on average to a negative association, and Putnam's survey shows how large the gap is. In Putnam's data about 30 per cent of the people of Los Angeles and San Francisco say they trust their neighbours a lot, against 70 to 80 per cent in the ethnically homogeneous communities of North and South Dakota.
1 001Estimates in the meta-analysis
87Studies they are drawn from
30Trust their neighbours a lot, the most diverse cities, %
70Trust their neighbours a lot, the most homogeneous communities, %
A meta-analysis covering the whole literature finds a statistically significant negative relationship between ethnic diversity and social trust.
The relationship is strongest for trust in neighbours and when diversity is measured at the neighbourhood level.
Controlling for background factors generally changes the relationship only slightly.
Ziller (2015) - Ethnic diversity and social trust in European regions20154 findings
European Social Survey 2002–2010 combined with immigration figures from the EU Labour Force Survey. The unit of analysis is regions within countries, not countries
As immigration increases, social trust declines. Both cross-sectional and longitudinal analysis confirm the result.
Economic recession and ethnic polarisation strengthen the negative effect further.
The association is not negative everywhere, however: the author reports signs of the opposite, a positive association, in areas of low ethnic polarisation. The effect is conditional on context rather than universal.
Published in Social Forces (Oxford University Press).
Koopmans & Veit (2014) - Ethnic heterogeneity and neighborhood trust in Germany20145 findings
EDCAS telephone survey in 55 German cities and regions, October 2009 – May 2010, over 7,500 interviews (4,200 respondents in the analysis). A priming experiment embedded in a survey
Ethnic and religious diversity in the neighbourhood lowers trust in neighbours.
The effect applies to both groups, not only the native population: diversity is associated with lower trust among native-background and immigrant-background residents alike.
The mechanism differs, though. For the native population trust is lowered by distant encounters and negative experiences with immigrants, while for immigrant-background residents it falls because positive contact with the native population is scarcer in diverse areas. The authors measured contact unusually precisely, separating friendships, chatting with neighbours, chance encounters, and experiences of discrimination and harassment.
The method is a priming experiment: the treatment group was experimentally made aware of the ethnic or religious heterogeneity of their own area, and their trust in neighbours came out lower than the control group's, so this is not merely a cross-sectional correlation.
Published as Koopmans & Veit, Social Science Research 47 (2014), 91–107: Ethnic diversity, trust, and the mediating role of positive and negative interethnic contact. A priming experiment.
Koopmans & Veit (2014): a lost-letter field experiment in Berlin on diversity and cooperation20149 findings
Field experiment: 1,959 letters across 52 Berlin neighbourhoods, 17 January 2011. The sender's ethnicity and religion (German/Turkish, Christian/Islamic) were randomised experimentally.
A field experiment, not a survey: 1,959 stamped and addressed letters were dropped on pavements across 52 Berlin neighbourhoods on a single day (17 January 2011). The return rate was 63%, ranging from 32% to 88% by area. The measure is an actual act (picking a letter up and posting it), not an attitude, so social-desirability bias does not apply to it.
A one-standard-deviation rise in ethnic fractionalisation (0.19) almost halves the probability that a letter is returned (risk ratio 0.56). The effect survives controls for unemployment, population density, the number of tourists and businesses, the time of the drop, and East Berlin.
The same change more than triples the probability that the stamp is stolen (risk ratio 3.30). Theft is a direct measure of defection, and it gives the same result as the return rate: two different measures, one direction.
NO IN-GROUP FAVOURITISM WAS FOUND. Letters sent by a Turkish or Islamic organisation were returned as often as those from a German or Christian one, and the effect of diversity was the same for every letter type. The one exception was a lower return rate for Islamic letters in East Berlin. The result matches Putnam's finding that diversity lowers trust in one's own group as well as in others.
Segregation did not explain the result: the dissimilarity index had no significant effect on the return rate, nor did its interaction with diversity. The effect therefore appears in low-segregation settings too: Berlin's segregation is modest by international standards.
Ethnic diversity predicts cooperation better than the share of immigrants does: substituting the latter for the former weakened the effect and clearly worsened the fit of the whole model.
The effect is smaller in West than in East Berlin, and the difference is statistically significant. The authors read this as supporting the idea that long coexistence and contact dampen the effect over time, in line with Putnam's own expectation. The negative effect nevertheless persists in the West as well.
Because in-group favouritism does not explain the result, the authors consider differences in social control the most likely mechanism: in denser networks people have a stronger sense that their actions are noticed. They stress themselves that this remains a hypothesis without direct measurement.
Published as Koopmans & Veit, Political Psychology 35(3) (2014), 379–400. Same pair of authors as the priming experiment above, but a different study and a different method.
United States
Robert Putnam (2007) - Diversity weakens social capital2007About 30,000 interviews, United States11 findings
Data: the Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey (2000), about 30,000 interviews across 41 US communities. Ethnic diversity measured with a Herfindahl index.
Trust in neighbours collapses with diversity: in ethnically homogeneous communities (e.g. rural South and North Dakota) 70–80% said they trusted their neighbours 'a lot', whereas in the most diverse cities (Los Angeles, San Francisco) only about 30% did.
The more ethnically diverse a residential area is, the less people trust one another, including members of their own racial/ethnic group. Yet the gap between in-group and out-group trust stays completely uncorrelated with diversity (R²=0.000): only the overall level of trust falls. According to Putnam, the result fits neither simple 'contact theory' (contact should raise trust) nor 'conflict theory' (diversity should strengthen in-group trust). Putnam calls the pattern 'constrict theory'.
Scale of the effect: Putnam's own comparison finds the neighbour-trust gap between homogeneous Bismarck, North Dakota and diverse Los Angeles is roughly as large as the gap between areas with 7% versus 23% poverty rates, or between 0% and 36% college-educated residents.
In diverse areas, people vote less, do less volunteer work and give less to charity, participate less often in community activity, have fewer close friends, and report lower happiness and quality of life. Confidence in local government and local news media, and belief in one's own influence, are likewise lower, and TV-watching is higher, but political interest and participation in protests are, conversely, higher. Organizational and religious participation, by contrast, is not reduced by diversity once other factors are controlled for.
"Hunker down" effect: people withdraw into themselves and social isolation increases.
The effect appears across all racial groups, not only the majority.
The result holds after controlling for age, education, income, homeownership, poverty, crime, income inequality, population density and commuting time, so it isn't simply poverty or crime in disguise. The effect was negative in 39 of the 41 communities studied, and was independently confirmed using a separate dataset covering all 3,111 US counties. The pattern showed no generational difference: Americans raised in the 1970s were affected by diversity just as much as those raised in the 1920s.
Putnam is one of the best-known social scientists and the author of Bowling Alone.
Putnam's paper included an optimistic hypothesis: in the long run, societies can forge new, more encompassing shared identities that overcome diversity's negative effects ('long-run amelioration'). This was a theoretical prediction, however, with no empirical support presented in the paper.
Later longitudinal studies do not support this optimism. Laurence & Bentley (2016) showed with 18 years of panel data that rising diversity weakens attachment to the neighbourhood among those who stay put, and that the effect is stronger among long-term residents. The authors note themselves, however, that Putnam's withdrawal thesis should not be inferred from these results: among those who moved to a more diverse area no effect was found at all.
Australia
Wickes et al. (2014) - Ethnic diversity and social cohesion in Australian suburbs20144 findings
n=4,000 residents in 148 suburbs of Brisbane (147 in the analysis, those with complete register data), multilevel modelling. Australia serves here as a replication of Putnam's thesis outside the United States and Europe
In ethnically diverse areas social cohesion and neighbourhood interaction weaken (Putnam's "hunkering down" effect).
For neighbourhood interaction, diversity matters less to immigrants than to the population as a whole. Note that the source compares immigrants with the whole population, not with the native-background population specifically.
The authors state the result cautiously themselves: it gives Putnam's thesis "at least partial support", not confirmation as such.
Data: British Household Panel Survey, three waves (1991, 2001, 2009), 13,236 person-year observations. Context data comes from the 1991, 2001 and 2011 censuses. Diversity measured with Simpson's diversity index (0–1), using 1991-census wards as the community unit (mean population about 5,300).
In fixed-effects models, an increase in local ethnic diversity lowered the probability that a resident said they liked their neighbourhood: coefficient −3.92 (p<0.001) across the full sample, and −3.85 (p<0.05) among those who stayed in place.
The largest effect was among people who moved from a more diverse to a more homogeneous area: their attitude improved markedly (coefficient −12.32, p<0.01). No significant effect was found for people who moved from a more homogeneous to a more diverse area (coefficient −0.49, not significant), which suggests that this group had already self-selected into tolerance of diversity.
Attitudes were generally stable across the dataset: only 14% of respondents reported a change in their answer between waves.
The longitudinal, fixed-effects design minimises selection bias and supports a stronger causal interpretation than cross-sectional data.
Published in European Sociological Review (open access, CC-BY).
International
The studies in this group qualify the negative association: where it shows, what explains it and what offsets it.
Dinesen & Sønderskov (2015) – Diversity in the immediate surroundings and social trust in Denmark20154 findings
Danish respondents to the European Social Survey 2002–2011 linked to population registers, 6,543 respondents, American Sociological Review 80(3)
Register data gave the ethnic diversity of each respondent's surroundings within 80 metres of their home.
Diversity within 80 metres lowered generalised trust in other people, with the area's socio-economic conditions and crime and the respondent's own characteristics held constant.
The effect was statistically significant up to about 180 metres and faded towards zero over larger areas. The authors say this may explain why some studies of larger areas have found no association.
The authors consider the effect fairly modest. Where half the residents of the immediate surroundings are immigrants, trust is about 0.3 points lower on a 0–10 scale than where there are none. Even so, a one-standard-deviation rise in diversity matches roughly the effect of one year of education on trust.
Abascal & Baldassarri (2015) – A reanalysis of Putnam's data: diversity, population make-up and trust20153 findings
Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey 2000, the same US data Putnam used, American Journal of Sociology 121(3)
The authors repeat Putnam's analysis on his own data. In their reading the association between diversity and trust comes from the make-up of the areas' populations: non-white respondents report lower trust and live in diverse areas more often than others.
According to the authors, trust is strongly and consistently predicted by the respondent's race or ethnicity, residential stability and the area's economic conditions, not by diversity.
A diversity index does not tell one's own group from others, so the authors analysed the groups separately. For white respondents the share of neighbours from other groups still predicted lower trust. What predicted it was the share of other groups, not diversity as such.
van der Meer & Tolsma (2014) – Ethnic diversity and social cohesion: a review of 90 studies20145 findings
Literature review, 90 studies, Annual Review of Sociology 40
The review organises the results of 90 studies of Putnam's claim that ethnic diversity weakens social cohesion.
The claim finds consistent support only for forms of cohesion bounded by the neighbourhood, such as trust in neighbours.
Support for the claim is more common in the United States than in other countries.
Diversity is not associated with weaker cohesion between ethnic groups.
The review organises the studies' results but does not combine them statistically. The later meta-analysis, first under the Europe heading, finds a negative association on average.
Schmid, Al Ramiah & Hewstone (2014) – Neighbourhood diversity, contact and trust in England20145 findings
National survey in England, 868 White British and 798 ethnic minority respondents, Psychological Science 25(3)
The study measured trust in other groups, in one's own group and in neighbours. The model took account of intergroup contact and perceived threat, whose indirect effects earlier studies had not tested.
Among White British respondents diversity had some direct negative effects on trust.
Diversity was, however, associated with more positive contact and less perceived threat, and through them with greater trust. These indirect paths cancelled out most of the direct negative effects.
Among minority respondents a larger number of majority-group neighbours did not lower trust.
The data are a survey, not an experiment, so the results describe associations.
Foreign-language men and military serviceSocial cohesion
Key figures
At call-ups in Uusimaa, 75% of Somali-speaking and 57% of Arabic-speaking conscripts failed to appear. The Defence Forces deny classifying conscripts by mother tongue (2026).
Military service applies to all male Finnish citizens regardless of background. It is therefore one of the few directly measurable places where it can be seen whether society's obligations are shared evenly.
According to an officer who ran call-ups at the Uusimaa regional office, foreign-language men complete military service at significantly lower rates than Finnish-language men. Measures of integration are under language proficiency and education.
Failure to attend the call-up, by language · Uusimaa region
The figures are from call-ups in the Uusimaa regional office and rest on what Captain Lauri J. Mattila told Iltalehti. The Defence Forces deny that they break conscripts down by mother tongue, so there is no official statistic for these shares.
75%Somali-speakers who did not attend the call-up
57%Arabic-speakers who did not attend
70%Somali- and Arabic-speaking men exempted on health grounds
Details
The figures are for the Uusimaa regional office, not the whole country.
They come from one officer rather than from published Defence Forces statistics, and the Defence Forces deny keeping such a breakdown.
Ilta-Sanomat article on the avoidance of military service among foreign-language men in Finland. Foreign-language men miss call-ups or seek exemption more often than Finnish-speakers.
An officer who handled call-ups at the Uusimaa regional office says that people of foreign background do their conscript service considerably less often than the native population, and that the differences between ethnic groups are large.
According to Captain Lauri J. Mattila, 75% of Somali-speaking and 57% of Arabic-speaking conscripts failed to attend call-ups in the Uusimaa region. He also says 70% of Somali- and Arabic-speaking men in Uusimaa received exemptions on health grounds. The Defence Forces deny breaking down conscripts by mother tongue. The Conscripts' Union considers the underrepresentation worrying for both national defence capability and fairness.
Views of Europe's MuslimsSocial cohesionValues and attitudes
Muslim minorities' values are a recurring topic in the immigration debate, argued over in Finland too. In European surveys, Muslim minorities' values differ markedly from the native population's, and the gaps have not narrowed so far. The data comes mostly from British-Pakistani, French-Maghrebi and Austrian-Turkish communities, while Finland's Muslim population is mainly of Somali and Iraqi background. The results do not transfer to Finland as such, but they can still give an indication of the views of Muslims living in Finland.
The values of Muslims living in Finland have not been measured with the same questions as elsewhere in Europe. This section's first box is a Statistics Finland population survey of attitudes to the genital mutilation of girls, and it separates respondents by origin rather than by religion. The Finnish League for Human Rights' survey of Muslims' family values from 2006–2007 is small and not representative. An interview study by e2 Research compared the values of five language groups in the Helsinki region in 2018–2019, and it did not ask respondents' religious denomination. The size and growth of the group are under Muslim population growth, and the research on diversity and trust under ethnic diversity and trust.
Share who place religious rules above the law of the country
Of the surveys in this section, this question has been asked in the most similar form across several countries, but the wording and the samples vary by country. The other surveys in this section ask about support for sharia in wordings that differ from one another, and are therefore not comparable.
% of respondents
Details
THE SAMPLES ARE NOT THE SAME. The French figure covers all Muslims aged 15 and over, the MOTRA figure all adult Muslim respondents in Germany, and the Viennese one Muslim youth aged 14 to 24 in a quota sample that its authors do not consider representative. The Münster figure covers all people of Turkish origin aged 16 and over in Germany, including non-Muslims. The KFN figure covers about 300 Muslim pupils in year 9 in Lower Saxony, and the report does not consider this subsample representative. The Finnish figure covers 71 Muslims living in Finland who answered a questionnaire that the Finnish League for Human Rights handed out in selected groups in 2006–2007, and the author does not consider them a representative group. The levels of the surveys are therefore not read directly against each other.
The wording varies slightly between the surveys. France asked about placing religious rules above the law in certain situations. MOTRA and KFN used the same statement, whether the rules of the Quran are more important to the respondent than German law. In the Münster survey the statement was about the commandments of one's own religion and the laws of the country one lives in. In Finland a survey on family law asked which law a Muslim living in Finland should follow if Finnish law and Islamic law conflict.
The only comparable measurement for Finland is this small and unrepresentative survey by the Finnish League for Human Rights from 2006–2007. In it 51% of the 71 Muslims who answered the question sided with Islamic law and 38% with Finnish law. The EU Fundamental Rights Agency's EU-MIDIS II survey (2017) did interview Muslims of Sub-Saharan African origin living in Finland, but it measured attachment to the country, trust in institutions and experiences of discrimination, not values. These respondents' trust in the police was the highest in the survey, 8.4 on a scale of 0–10.
Show the figures
Group
% of respondents
Finland, Muslims 2006–2007 (not representative)
51.0
France (Ifop 2025)
44.0
Vienna, Muslim youth (not representative)
41.0
Germany, Turkish origin 16+ (Münster 2016)
47.0
Germany, Muslims 18+ (MOTRA 2024/25)
25.1
Lower Saxony, Muslim pupils 2022 (not representative)
3% of men and 2% of women consider the genital mutilation of girls and women acceptable in certain circumstances.
Among men under 25 the share is 10%. It falls with age: 4% of men aged 25–34 and 2% of those aged 35–74.
Among foreign-background men aged 18–74 the share is 8%.
The survey separates respondents by origin, not by religion. Foreign background means both parents were born abroad. There is no separate figure for the views of Muslims living in Finland.
Statistics Finland notes itself that young men and people of foreign background are a small group in the data and that the figures should be read with caution.
e2 Research 2019: values and attitudes of five language groups in the Helsinki region20195 findings
Ville Pitkänen, Pasi Saukkonen and Jussi Westinen, Samaa vai eri maata? Tutkimus viiden kieliryhmän arvoista ja asenteista Suomessa (Same or different? A study on the values and attitudes of five language groups in Finland), e2 Research, report 6, 2019. The study was funded by the Finnish Cultural Foundation, the cities of Helsinki, Espoo and Vantaa, the Ministry of Justice and e2. 1,527 people were interviewed, about 300 from each language group. They were adult residents of Helsinki, Espoo or Vantaa whose registered mother tongue is Russian, Estonian, English, Somali or Arabic. Taloustutkimus interviewed them face to face in their mother tongue or in Finnish from October 2018 to March 2019. For each language group 3,000 people were drawn at random from the population register among those who had had a municipality of residence in Finland for at least two years. Interviewees were chosen to age and sex quotas, and interviewers were allowed to fill the quotas from outside the sample too. Of English speakers only those whose background country is the United Kingdom, Ireland, the United States, Canada, Australia or New Zealand were included. The survey groups respondents by mother tongue, and it did not ask their religious denomination. The native population was not interviewed, and the report's figures for it come from earlier surveys
With the statement “Finland needs strong leadership that can fix societal problems without the need for compromises”, 83% of Somali speakers agree, 67% of Estonian speakers, 65% of Arabic speakers, 49% of Russian speakers and 45% of English speakers. 61% of Somali speakers and 38% of Arabic speakers agree fully. According to the report about 51% of native Finns agree.
84% of Somali speakers consider themselves very religious, as do 13% of Arabic speakers, 13% of English speakers, 6% of Russian speakers and 3% of Estonian speakers. Of Arabic speakers 47% are somewhat religious, 27% are not very or not at all religious, and 14% did not want to say or could not say. 98% of Somali speakers consider religiosity very important to their identity. According to the report about ten per cent of Finland's adult population consider themselves very religious.
Respondents chose from a list the things that are extremely important or even sacred to them. Church, religion and religious community were chosen by 47% of Somali speakers, 23% of Arabic speakers, 16% of English speakers, 12% of Russian speakers and 2% of Estonian speakers. Honour was chosen by 55% of Somali speakers, 49% of Arabic speakers, 39% of Russian speakers, 32% of English speakers and 30% of Estonian speakers. The authors note that it is not known exactly how respondents understood honour.
In the same question individual freedom was chosen by 66% of Russian speakers, 65% of English speakers, 58% of Somali speakers, 54% of Arabic speakers and 51% of Estonian speakers.
According to the report Somali- and Arabic-speaking respondents rated all components of identity as very important more often than others, and Somali speakers' answers to the question on sacred things differed according to whether they answered in Finnish or in Somali. According to the authors the language groups therefore cannot always be compared directly.
Finnish League for Human Rights 2007: attitudes of Muslims living in Finland to family values and family law20077 findings
Kristiina Kouros, Suomessa asuvien muslimien suhtautumisesta perhearvoihin ja perhelainsäädäntöön (Attitudes of Muslims living in Finland to family values and family law), Finnish League for Human Rights, 24 October 2007. The League is a human rights organisation, and the study was carried out by its secretary general. The questionnaire was handed out in selected groups in autumn and winter 2006–2007 in the Helsinki region, Turku, Tampere, Oulu, Kuopio, Joensuu, Vaasa and Rovaniemi. The League handed out 500 forms, and 75 came back, against a target of 300 responses. Of the respondents 67% were women, their average age was 31, and 13% said they do not practise their religion. Among those who gave their country of origin the largest groups were Iraq (17), Somalia (11) and Iran (9), and the respondents also included people born in Finland, Tatars and converts to Islam. The form had 87 questions in Finnish and English, and some groups used an interpreter. According to the author the respondents are probably not representative of Muslims living in Finland. Respondents were easiest to reach through Muslim organisations, whose activity in Finland is strongly religious, so practising Muslims are probably over-represented. According to the author the respondents were also probably better educated than Muslims living in Finland on average. Homosexuality was not asked about, because the respondents' view of it was expected to be so negative that the questions alone could have compromised a neutral attitude to the other questions
The survey, which dealt with family law, asked which law a Muslim living in Finland should follow if Finnish law and Islamic law conflict. Of the 71 who answered, 51% sided with Islamic law and 38% with Finnish law. Among practising respondents 63% sided with Islamic law and 26% with Finnish law. All but one of the non-practising respondents sided with Finnish law.
More than half supported a separate Islamic court for Muslims' family matters, and a third agreed strongly. 15% disagreed strongly and 15% disagreed. If such a court existed, 59% would take their own family dispute there rather than to a Finnish court, 28% would not, and 12% were unsure.
Just under a third considered polygamy acceptable. With the statement “I think it is acceptable for a man to have several wives” seven respondents agreed strongly and 21% agreed, while 40% disagreed strongly and 21% disagreed. Among practising respondents 36% took the permissive view. 35% supported accepting polygamy for Muslims living in Finland, and 44% opposed it.
45% think a wife has a duty to obey her husband, and 33% think a husband has the right to demand obedience from his wife. Eight respondents, 11%, held that a husband has the right to discipline a wife who does not obey him. All eight said they practise their religion, and five of them were women.
62% think a girl must be a virgin when she marries, and 48% think a boy must be a virgin too.
71% accepted a Muslim man marrying a non-Muslim, and 28% accepted a Muslim woman marrying a non-Muslim.
The data are small and selective. According to the author they support no reliable generalisations about how Muslims living in Finland view family law, nor about the opinions of Muslims from particular backgrounds.
United Kingdom
British Muslims' attitudes: the Israel conflict, antisemitism and demands on society202414 findings
n=1,000 British Muslims and a comparison sample of 2,013 from the whole population, both drawn from an online panel with quotas and weighted to their own population. Fieldwork 14 February to 12 March 2024 (whole population 4 to 6 March 2024), margin of error 3.1 percentage points for Muslims and 2.2 for the whole population
26% name the Israel/Palestine conflict as their most important election issue (whole population 3%).
46% think Jews have too much power over British government policy (whole population 16%). Among men 53%, among women 40%.
Only 24% believe Hamas committed murders and rapes in Israel on 7 October 2023, and 39% believe Hamas did not commit them. 38% do not know. In the whole population the shares are 62% and 8%. Among Muslims aged 18–34, 46% believe Hamas did not commit the murders and rapes.
46% sympathise more with Hamas than with Israel (whole population 16%, among 18–34s 53%).
24% believe Israel has a right to be a Jewish homeland (49% disagree).
63% want prayer rooms in public non-religious spaces (whole population 10%).
65% want Eid al-Fitr made an official public holiday (whole population 21%).
57% want halal food to be mandatory in schools and hospitals.
52% want depictions of the Prophet Muhammad banned (whole population 16%).
32% find the introduction of sharia law in Britain in the next 20 years very or somewhat desirable (whole population 9%). Only 23% find it undesirable (whole population 60%).
35% find legalising polygamy undesirable (whole population 70%).
27% find outlawing homosexuality in Britain in the next 20 years very or somewhat desirable (whole population 15%). 28% find it undesirable (whole population 62%).
Younger Muslims (18–34) and better-educated ones are more radical on most questions.
The survey was carried out by J.L. Partners for the Henry Jackson Society, a British foreign and security policy think tank with its own position on Islamism and the conflicts of the Middle East.
ICM for Channel 4, 2016: British Muslims' views on sharia, homosexuality, gender roles and violence201611 findings
1,081 Muslims aged 18 and over, interviewed face to face from 25 April to 31 May 2015. The sample was drawn only from areas where at least 20% of residents are Muslim. ICM picked 138 such small areas (LSOAs) at random and interviewed to quotas in each. According to ICM, 51% of Britain's Muslims live in these areas. The data are weighted by age, gender, region and work status. The comparison sample is 1,008 adults from across Britain, interviewed by telephone from 5 to 7 June 2015. ICM ran the survey for Channel 4 and the production company Juniper for the documentary What British Muslims Really Think, and the results were published in April 2016. The figures come from ICM's report of data tables. Its original address no longer works, so the link goes to the Internet Archive's copy
23% support there being areas of Britain in which sharia law is introduced instead of British law. 7% support it strongly. 43% oppose it, 24% neither support nor oppose it, and 10% do not know. The comparison sample was not asked this.
52% disagree that homosexuality should be legal in Britain, and 18% agree. In the comparison sample 11% disagree and 73% agree.
47% disagree that it is acceptable for a homosexual person to be a teacher in a school, and 28% agree. In the comparison sample the shares are 14% and 75%.
39% agree that wives should always obey their husbands, and 32% disagree. In the comparison sample the shares are 5% and 86%.
31% find it acceptable for a British Muslim to keep more than one wife, and 46% disagree. In the comparison sample the shares are 9% and 73%.
5% sympathise with people who stone those who commit adultery, and 66% completely condemn them. In the comparison sample the shares are 2% and 89%.
4% sympathise with people who carry out suicide bombings to fight injustice, and 4% with people who commit terrorist actions as a form of political protest. In the comparison sample 1% sympathise with each group.
24% sympathise with people who take part in violence organised by groups to protect their own religion. In the comparison sample the share is 7%.
18% sympathise with people who use violence against those who mock the Prophet, 14% neither sympathise with them nor condemn them, and 64% condemn them. The comparison sample was not asked this.
34% would report it to the police if someone close to them were getting involved with people who support terrorism in Syria. In the comparison sample the share is 30%. Respondents could choose several options.
The results describe areas where at least a fifth of residents are Muslim, and about half of Britain's Muslims live in them. Muslims living in areas with fewer Muslims were not interviewed. The comparison sample was interviewed by telephone, not face to face, so the mode of interview differs.
Policy Exchange 2016, Unsettled Belonging: British Muslims' integration, support for sharia and attitudes to extremism201612 findings
3,040 Muslims aged 18 and over, interviewed face to face in their homes from 19 May to 23 July 2016. ICM did the fieldwork with the same method as in the Channel 4 survey: the sample was drawn only from areas where at least 20% of residents are Muslim, and respondents were chosen to quotas in 151 small areas picked at random. According to the report, 51% of Britain's Muslims live in these areas. The data are weighted by age, gender, work status, region and whether the respondent was born in Britain, and the margin of error is ±1.78 percentage points. The comparison sample is 2,047 adults from ICM's online panel, interviewed on 24 and 25 August 2016, and it was not asked every question
43% support the introduction of aspects of sharia law into Britain, 22% oppose it, 23% neither support nor oppose it, and 12% do not know. 16% support it strongly. According to the report, the question defined sharia broadly, so that it includes civil law on financial disputes. Among those aged 18–24, 35% support it, and among those aged 55 and over 48–49%. Among those born in Britain 39% support it, and among those born elsewhere 46%.
53% want to integrate fully with non-Muslims in all aspects of life, and 37% want to integrate on most things, with separation in some areas such as schooling and laws. 6% want to lead a separate Islamic life as far as possible, and 1% favour a fully separate Islamic area in Britain, subject to sharia law and government.
71% say their local mosque represents their views, and 12% disagree.
53% would prefer to send their children to a school with strong Muslim values. The comparison sample was asked about strong religious values, and 20% would prefer to send their children to a school that has them.
40% think girls and boys should be taught separately, and 41% disagree. In the comparison sample the shares are 11% and 74%.
44% think schools should be able to insist on a hijab or niqab as part of the uniform, and 32% disagree. In the comparison sample the shares are 9% and 65%.
89% condemn the use of violence in political protest and 2% sympathise with it. In the comparison sample the shares are 81% and 5%. 90% condemn threatening or committing terrorist actions as political protest and 2% sympathise with them. In the comparison sample 83% and 84% condemn them and 4% sympathise. According to the authors, sympathy is lower and condemnation more common than in the Channel 4 survey a year earlier. They say it is unclear whether attitudes have changed or respondents admit to sympathy less often than before.
52% would report it to the police if someone close to them were getting involved with people who support terrorism in Syria. In the Channel 4 survey a year earlier the share was 34%.
26% say extremist views do not exist in Muslim communities, and 18% say they exist but are very rarely heard. Among those born in Britain 19% deny that extremist views exist, and among those born elsewhere 32%.
Asked who was responsible for the attacks on the United States in September 2001, 52% did not know, 31% named the American government, 7% the Jews and 4% al-Qaeda or a similar group. In the comparison sample 71% named al-Qaeda or a similar group, 10% the American government and 1% the Jews.
The report was published by Policy Exchange. It is a British think tank that says it promotes a society based on strong communities, personal freedom, limited government, national self-confidence and an enterprise culture. The authors are the historian Martyn Frampton, Policy Exchange's David Goodhart and the Labour MP Khalid Mahmood.
The results describe areas where at least a fifth of residents are Muslim, as in the Channel 4 survey. Muslims living in areas with fewer Muslims were not interviewed. The comparison sample comes from an online panel, so the mode of interview differs.
France
French Interior Ministry: Muslim Brotherhood in France (2025 report)202576-page official report4 findings
The French Interior Ministry's May 2025 report documents the activities of organisations linked to the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan) in France.
It maps mosques, schools, associations, and political networks connected to the Brotherhood.
Authorities regard the Muslim Brotherhood as a significant vector of Islamism in Europe, though it is not formally banned.
The report is the French state's first systematic public mapping of Brotherhood-linked structures in the country.
Ifop - Muslims' relationship with Islam and the current state of Islamism20258 findings
1,005 Muslims drawn from a nationally representative sample of 14,244 people (aged 15 and over, mainland France). Fieldwork 8 August – 2 September 2025
Faced with a choice on a family matter such as ritual slaughter, marriage or inheritance, 44% would follow the rules of their religion and 49% French law. Among those aged 15–24, 57% would follow the religious rules, against 29% of those aged 50 and over. In 1995, 62% chose French law, but the question was worded differently.
15% say Islamic law, sharia, should apply in full whatever the country one lives in, and 31% that it should apply in part, adapted to the country's rules. 47% say it has no place in non-Muslim countries. Among those aged 15–24, 21% support applying it in full, and in 2008, 54% supported applying it in full or in part.
8% approve of most of the Islamists' positions and 30% of only some, 38% in all. Among those aged 15–24 the share is 42% and among those aged 50 and over 35%. The 1998 survey asked about fundamentalists, and 19% approved of their positions.
33% feel sympathy for at least one Islamist current, 42% of those under 25. 24% feel sympathy for the Muslim Brotherhood, 9% for Salafism, 8% for Wahhabism and 3% for jihadism, and 52% are hostile to jihadism.
32% of those under 25 and 13% of those aged 50 and over feel close to the Muslim Brotherhood's thinking.
73% say a Muslim has the right to leave Islam and 20% that they do not. In a 1989 survey of three large urban areas, 44% accepted the right. Among members of other religions, 92% accept leaving one's own religion.
Among women aged 18–24, 45% wear the hijab, up from 16% in 2003.
The survey was commissioned by the magazine Écran de veille. Researchers interviewed by Mediapart judged the telephone sample sound but criticised that neither Islamism nor Islamic law was defined to respondents and that the question did not use the word sharia. Ifop's research director says the real indicator of Islamism is the 15% for applying it in full, not the 46% in full or in part combined.
Austria
Between Recognition and Devaluation – attitudes of young migrants in Vienna (Kenan Güngör)20267 findings
1,221 Viennese aged 14–24, from 10 different ethnic backgrounds. Fieldwork 17 September to 19 December 2024 in an online panel and as a tablet survey at four places in Vienna popular with young people, commissioned by the City of Vienna. A quota sample that the authors themselves do not consider representative. The percentages refer to the 515 Muslim youth in the sample
65% of young Muslims hold that the rules of Islam cover every area of life and must be followed strictly.
53% hold that women should wear a headscarf in public.
41% place religious rules above Austrian law.
46% agree fully or somewhat with the statement “One must be ready to fight and die in defence of one's faith”. 16% agree fully.
36% agree fully or somewhat with the statement “Everyone should follow the rules of my religion”. 13% agree fully.
43% blame the West for the problems of the Islamic world.
According to the authors, algorithm-driven social media use was the single strongest predictor of anti-democratic attitudes, stronger than ethnicity, education or religion on their own. Intensive religious use of the internet correlates with political-religious authoritarianism (r = 0.46), acceptance of violence (r = 0.33) and patriarchal views of gender (r = 0.28).
Muslims in Vienna schools (Bildungsdirektion Wien, via Die Presse / heute.at)20264 findings
All primary, middle, special, and polytechnic schools (excluding gymnasiums), Vienna
Almost 50% showed antisemitic attitudes, and 48% agreed that Jews have too much influence in Austria.
Muslims in Austria (Peter Ulram / Ecoquest, commissioned by the Austrian Interior Ministry)20124 findings
500 Muslims of Turkish and 500 of Bosnian background aged 16 and over, face-to-face interviews 23 March to 14 May 2012. Commissioned by the Austrian Interior Ministry (Bundesministerium für Inneres), fieldwork by IFES
18% said Islamic legal rules should replace Austrian law.
61% saw Islam primarily as a private matter.
25% wanted Islam to have a more visible role in society.
5% wanted Islam to dominate the legal system and the state.
Germany
MOTRA Monitor 2024/25 – Islamist-leaning and antisemitic attitudes among Muslims in Germany20255 findings
The MiD survey series 2021–2025, 21,899 respondents aged 18 and over. The Islamism and antisemitism figures cover Muslims under 40, the statements on the Quran and the form of state all Muslim respondents
45.1% of Muslims under 40 show open or latent Islamist attitudes: 11.5% clearly Islamist and 33.6% latent.
29.1% expressed open antisemitism.
Of all Muslim respondents, 25.1% agreed with the statement “The rules of the Quran are more important to me than the laws in Germany” (2021: 26.1%, not a statistically significant difference).
Of all Muslim respondents, 23.8% regarded an Islamic theocracy as the best form of state (2021: 18.7%).
Background: the median age of the Muslim population is about 32 (whole population about 44). Germany is estimated to have 2.5–3.5 million Muslims aged 18–40. MOTRA is an extremism-monitoring network funded by federal ministries. The same figures on Islamism and antisemitism have also been reported as a BKA study. They come from the monitor's chapter by Brettfeld, Wetzels, Fischer, Farren and Endtricht, “Menschen in Deutschland 2021 bis 2025” (the MiD survey series, 21,899 respondents 2021–2025).
KFN: Islamist attitudes among Muslim pupils in Lower Saxony (Lower Saxony Survey 2022)20237 findings
n=308 Muslim pupils (270–308 per question) from a 2022 school survey of year-9 pupils in Lower Saxony, which had 8,539 respondents and put the questions on Islamism to half of them. Kriminologisches Forschungsinstitut Niedersachsen, research report no. 169. According to the report the results are not representative of Muslim pupils in Lower Saxony, because the data are weighted by school type but not by religion. The measure was new and had not been tested in this form before
67.8% agree with the statement “The rules of the Quran are more important to me than the laws in Germany”.
51.5% believe that only Islam can solve the problems of our time.
45.8% regard an Islamic theocracy as the best form of state.
36.5% think German society should be shaped more by Islamic rules. 30.2% consider a religious leader supported by a council better than the democratic system in Germany.
35.9% think that anyone who does not follow the teachings of the Quran literally is not a real Muslim.
35.3% have understanding for violence against people who insult Allah or the Prophet Muhammad. 21.2% think the threat to Islam from the Western world justifies Muslims defending themselves with violence, and 18.1% consider violence justified to spread and enforce Islam.
On the nine-statement scale, 22.2% of Muslim respondents agree on average. Agreement means an answer of 3 or 4 on a four-point scale. There was no statistically significant difference between boys and girls or between school types.
University of Münster 2016: integration and religion as seen by people of Turkish origin in Germany20167 findings
1,201 people of Turkish origin aged 16 and over living in Germany, telephone interviews in German or Turkish from November 2015 to February 2016. Fieldwork by TNS Emnid, commissioned by the Cluster of Excellence “Religion and Politics” at the University of Münster (Pollack, Müller, Rosta and Dieler), which describes the survey as representative. The sample is people of Turkish origin, not all Muslims, and the percentages are shares of all respondents
47% agree strongly or somewhat with the statement “It is more important for me to follow the commandments of my religion than the laws of the country I live in”. In the first generation the share is 57%, in the second and third 36%.
36% agree strongly or somewhat that only Islam can solve the problems of our time. In the first generation the share is 40%, in the second and third 33%.
32% think Muslims should aspire to return to a social order like that of the Prophet Muhammad's time. In the first generation the share is 36%, in the second and third 27%.
50% agree strongly or somewhat with the statement “There is only one true religion”.
13% agree with all four of the statements above, and the researchers call them religious fundamentalists. In the first generation the share is 18%, in the second and third 9%.
20% think the threat to Islam from the Western world justifies Muslims defending themselves with violence. In the first generation the share is 25%, in the second and third 15%. 7% consider violence justified to spread and enforce Islam.
73% think books and films that attack religions and hurt the feelings of deeply religious people should be banned. In the German majority population 34% supported such a ban in the same research group's 2010 survey.
A BKA study found that 45.1% of Muslims under 40 in Germany harbour latent or open sympathy for Islamism (Sharia over the constitution). 11.5% hold manifestly Islamist attitudes. Antisemitic attitudes among young Muslims rose sharply from 11.3% (2021) to 29.1% (2025).
Denmark
Wilke for Jyllands-Posten 2015: religiosity of Muslims in Denmark compared with 200620153 findings
702 telephone interviews from 14 to 29 August 2015. The respondents are people aged 18 and over who said themselves that they are Muslims. They were drawn at random from telephone databases on the basis of their names and could be interviewed in their mother tongue or in Danish. They include immigrants and their descendants from Turkey, Pakistan, Iraq, Lebanon, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Somalia, Syria and Afghanistan, among others, and converts. Wilke describes the sample as representative, with a maximum margin of error of ±3.7 percentage points. The comparison is a survey of 680 people carried out by Rambøll for Jyllands-Posten in 2006
50.3% pray five or more times a day, against 37.0% in 2006.
77.2% think the instructions of the Quran should be followed fully, and 17.7% disagree. In 2006, 62.4% agreed.
42.7% think Muslim girls in Denmark should cover themselves, for example with a headscarf, from their teens when outside the home, and 44.6% disagree. In 2006, 28.6% agreed and 66.6% disagreed.
Norway
Statistics Norway 2018: values of the Norwegian-born second generation by parents' country20185 findings
Statistics Norway, Rapporter 2018/20. 1,049 Norwegian-born people aged 16 to 39 whose parents came from Turkey, Pakistan, Sri Lanka or Vietnam, interviewed in 2016.
Of people of Turkish background 89 per cent and of Pakistani background 95 per cent are Muslims, and religion is very important, a 10 on a scale of 0 to 10, for 49 and 56 per cent. Of people of Sri Lankan background 27 per cent and of Vietnamese background 34 per cent belong to no religion, and religion is very important for 18 and 6 per cent.
Trust in other people on a scale of 0 to 10 averages 7.0 in the whole population aged 16 to 39 and 6.1 in the second generation: 5.6 for Turkish background, 5.9 Pakistani, 6.6 Sri Lankan and 6.5 Vietnamese. The whole-population figure comes from the 2013 living conditions survey.
Fully agreeing that being a housewife is as fulfilling as paid work are 13 per cent of the whole population aged 18 to 39 and 41 per cent of the second generation: 42 per cent of Turkish background, 46 Pakistani, 30 Sri Lankan and 33 Vietnamese. The whole-population figure comes from the 2008 values survey.
On the importance of democracy there is hardly any difference. The average on a scale of 0 to 10 is 9.1 in the whole population and 8.9 in the second generation, 8.9 to 9.2 by background country. The whole-population figure comes from the 2012 European Social Survey.
There is no comparable data for Finland. Finland-born adults of foreign background are still a small and young group, and no Finnish survey has sampled them separately with a large enough sample.
International
Support for sharia as the official law of the country · 2011–2012
The Pew Research Center asked Muslims in 39 countries whether they favour making sharia, Islamic law, the official law of their country. The chart picks out surveyed countries from which Muslims have moved to Finland. In Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Morocco and Bangladesh more than four in five Muslims favour it. In Turkey, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo at most one in five do.
The figures cover Muslims living in these countries in 2011–2012. They say nothing about the views of those who have moved to Finland or elsewhere in Europe. The European surveys in this section word their questions on sharia differently, so the levels cannot be compared with them.
Somalia, Syria and Iran are not in the survey.
*In Russia the question asked about making sharia the official law of the country's Muslim republics. Bosnia means Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Russia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Muslims were interviewed in an extra sample from areas where many of them live.
Men are over-represented among the respondents in Afghanistan, because interviewers could not reach women in every area. The Pakistani sample covers 82% of the adult population, because insecure areas were left out.
The interviews were done face to face in the respondent's home. There were 1,007 to 1,918 Muslim respondents per country, and according to the Pew Research Center the margin of error in these countries is 2.8 to 5.8 percentage points.
Pew Research Center 2013: Muslims' views on sharia in 39 countries20137 findings
Pew Research Center, The World's Muslims: Religion, Politics and Society, 30 April 2013, chapter 1 (Beliefs About Sharia). Face-to-face interviews with more than 38,000 Muslims in 39 countries from 2008 to 2012. In the eleven countries in this box the fieldwork was done between October 2011 and February 2012, with 1,007 to 1,918 Muslim respondents per country. The figures on stoning, the punishment for leaving Islam and the position of non-Muslims are calculated only among those who favour making sharia the official law of their country
Making sharia the official law of the country is favoured by 99% of Muslims in Afghanistan, 91% in Iraq, 84% in Pakistan, 83% in Morocco, 82% in Bangladesh, 74% in Egypt and 56% in Tunisia. In Russia, 42% of Muslims favour making sharia the official law of the country's Muslim republics. In Kosovo the share is 20%, in Bosnia and Herzegovina 15% and in Turkey 12%.
Among supporters of sharia, stoning as a punishment for adultery is favoured by 89% in Pakistan, 85% in Afghanistan, 81% in Egypt, 58% in Iraq, 55% in Bangladesh and 44% in Tunisia. The share is 29% in Turkey, 26% in Russia, 25% in Kosovo and 21% in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Among supporters of sharia, the death penalty for people who leave Islam is favoured by 86% in Egypt, 79% in Afghanistan, 76% in Pakistan, 44% in Bangladesh, 42% in Iraq and 29% in Tunisia. The share is 17% in Turkey, 15% in Russia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and 11% in Kosovo.
Among supporters of sharia, applying it to non-Muslims as well is favoured by 74% in Egypt, 61% in Afghanistan, 43% in Turkey, 40% in Tunisia, 39% in Bangladesh, 38% in Iraq and 34% in Pakistan. The share is 31% in Kosovo, 29% in Morocco and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and 22% in Russia.
There are no figures for Morocco on stoning or the death penalty, because the questions were not asked there.
In Turkey, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo at most a fifth of Muslim respondents support sharia, about 150 to 250 respondents per country by this site's calculation. The figures for supporters in these countries are therefore less certain than in the others.
The figures cover Muslims living in these countries, not those who have moved to Finland. The survey does not cover Somalia, Syria or Iran.
Consanguineous marriage worldwideValues and attitudes
Cousin marriage is not an incidental habit but an old family institution. Across parts of the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia, marrying within the extended family keeps property, alliances and the choice of spouse inside the kin group. Where the practice is the norm, that choice belongs to the family more than to the individual. That is what makes it relevant to integration: the custom does not disappear on changing country, it changes over generations.
In Bradford, 62% of mothers of Pakistani heritage were related to their baby's father in the 2007–2010 cohort and 46% in the 2016–2019 one. Among mothers born in the UK the share fell from 60% to 36%. In the researchers' words a long-established practice dropped substantially in just nine years, yet nearly half of the mothers of Pakistani heritage were still related to their baby's father. In Pakistan about 64% of married women were related to their husband in 2017–18.
The health effect is a second, separate reason to follow the phenomenon. In Bradford, parental consanguinity doubled the risk of a congenital anomaly, and 31% of the anomalies among children of Pakistani origin were attributable to it. Norway and Sweden have banned cousin marriage, while Finland's Marriage Act does not prohibit it. The research findings and the details of that legislation are in the source boxes below.
The map compiles country-level research estimates, a risk map, not a population register and not an estimate about individuals.
International
Born in Bradford: consanguineous unions fell from 62% to 46% in nine years20245 findings
The same three inner-city wards of Bradford in two cohorts: 2,494 mothers in 2007–2010 and 2,564 in 2016–2019. 65% and 62% of them were of Pakistani heritage
Among mothers of Pakistani heritage, 62.4% were related to their baby's father in the first cohort and 46.3% in the second. In the two cohorts 39.3% and 27.0% were the father's first cousin, and 23.1% and 19.3% another blood relation.
The fall was largest among mothers of Pakistani heritage born in the UK: 60% were related to their baby's father in the first cohort and 36% in the second. The researchers link the fall to women born in the UK or who came to the UK as children.
Education separates the same way. Among mothers educated to A-level or higher, 50% were related to their baby's father in the first cohort and 40% in the second. Among those with lower education the shares were 69% and 51%.
The researchers note that a majority of the mothers of Pakistani heritage were related to their baby's father in the first cohort and a minority in the second, a substantial drop in a long-established practice in just nine years.
The result therefore says two things: the practice does not vanish on changing country, but neither does it stay fixed.
Born in Bradford: cousin marriage and congenital anomalies20134 findings
Sheridan et al., The Lancet 2013, 382(9901), 1350–9. The Born in Bradford birth cohort, recruited 2007–2011: 13,776 babies, of whom questionnaire data are available for 11,396. Of these, 386 (3%) had a congenital anomaly: 305.74 per 10,000 live births against a national level of 165.90
Parental consanguinity roughly doubled the risk of a congenital anomaly: adjusted risk ratio 2.19 (95% CI 1.67–2.85). The association held after adjusting for deprivation, and the authors found no association with increasing deprivation at all.
At population level the effect is still substantial where the practice is common: about 31% of congenital anomalies among children of Pakistani origin were attributable to consanguinity. The practice was common in this cohort: 18% of all babies and 37% of those of Pakistani origin (1,922 of 5,127) were the children of cousin unions.
The risk stems from the inheritance of recessive gene variants.
A mother holding a degree was protective across every ethnic group (risk ratio 0.53, CI 0.38–0.75). The authors recommend sensitive risk counselling, both for at-risk groups and for couples in cousin unions, to support reproductive decisions.
Newer national estimates of consanguineous marriage20095 findings
National surveys and peer-reviewed compilations. The Consang.net compilation behind the map is partly older
Pakistan: in the 2017–18 national health survey (PDHS) about 64% of married women were related to their husband. The map shows this figure for Pakistan. The Consang.net compilation's own value, 61.2%, comes from a 1990–91 national survey.
India: the national family survey NFHS-5 (2019–21) put the share at about 11%, against 9.9% in NFHS-4 (2015–16). The map shows the NFHS-5 figure for India. The Consang.net compilation's own value was 7.5%.
Arab states: Tadmouri et al. (Reproductive Health 2009) compile national ranges: Iraq 47–60%, Sudan 44–63%, Saudi Arabia 42–67%, Yemen 40–45%, Syria 30–40%, Egypt 21–33%. A single number on a map cannot show that spread.
Turkey: according to the statistics office TÜİK, 3.2% of the official marriages contracted in 2023 were consanguineous (akraba evliliği), against 5.9% in 2010. That figure is not comparable with the map, because it covers only the marriages contracted in one year, where the map describes existing unions.
The trend is downward in several countries with urbanisation and women's education, but the change shows first in newly contracted marriages and only later in the population-level stock.
Consang.net: international consanguinity tables and dynamic map7 findings
The table metric is Consanguinity(%): the share of unions where spouses are biological relatives. In practice the source usually compiles estimates up to second cousins or closer.
The material is not a uniform current statistic. It includes registries, hospital samples, household surveys, and community-level studies from different decades. Study periods in the source's own tables run from the early 1900s to the 2010s: Nagasaki, Japan 1948–53, urban Beijing 1949–67, rural Tamil Nadu 1969–74 and all-Pakistan 2012–13, for example.
Some country figures rest on a sample from one region or one city rather than on national data. A country's colour therefore reflects, in varying degrees, both its level and where and when a study happens to exist.
Pakistan's and India's figures are replaced with recent national surveys (PDHS 2017–18: 64%, NFHS-5 2019–21: 11%), and their source and year show on hover. Every other country's figure is the compilation's own. For Iran, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria and Turkey the hover text also gives a second estimate and its limits.
The map gives a value to the 71 countries or territories for which the source has an estimate. The source's estimates for Bahrain, the Gaza Strip and Singapore do not show, because those areas are too small for a map at this scale. The rest are grey: the source's map layer records them as zero, but that stands for a missing study rather than a measured zero. Finland, Denmark, Austria and Greece, for instance, have no row in its tables at all.
The highest country-level compiled values cluster in the Middle East, North Africa, and South Asia. Most European and American countries are low.
Map geometry is generated locally from Natural Earth's 1:110m country polygons. The browser does not load an external map library or map data.
Legislation
Sweden bans cousin marriage from 1 July 20262026Decision of the Swedish Riksdag, 26 May 20263 findings
The ban covers marriage between cousins and marriage where one spouse is a descendant of the other's sibling. The amendments came into force on 1 July 2026.
Cousin marriages entered into abroad will, as a rule, no longer be recognised in Sweden.
According to the Riksdag, the purpose of the amendments is to counter honour-based oppression, violence and other pressure connected with entering into marriage.
Denmark's bill banning cousin marriage lapsed20262 findings
Notice from the Danish immigration authorities (SIRI and the Danish Immigration Service), 26 February 2026, updated 3 March 2026
On 26 February 2026 the Minister for Social Affairs and Housing presented a bill that would have prohibited the conclusion and recognition of marriages between cousins and other relatives.
The bill lapsed because a general election was called the same day.
Finland's Marriage Act does not prohibit cousin marriage20262 findings
Marriage Act 234/1929, sections 7 and 9, consolidated text
Under the Marriage Act, relatives in the direct ascending or descending line may not marry each other, and nor may siblings and half-siblings.
Marriage is also prohibited where one partner is a descendant of the other's brother or sister, unless the Ministry of Justice grants permission for special reasons. The Act does not prohibit marriage between cousins.
Norway banned cousin marriage from 1 January 202520252 findings
Norway's Marriage Act (ekteskapsloven), section 3, as amended by the Act of 25 June 2024 no. 57
Under Norway's Marriage Act, cousins and relatives closer than cousins may not marry. The amendment came into force on 1 January 2025.
The county governor (statsforvalteren) may consent to such a marriage where there are strong reasons for it.
The asylum system
The asylum system is justified as protecting the persecuted and helping the world's poorest and most vulnerable. Most applicants, however, do not meet the criteria for international protection, the system does not reach the world's poorest, and brain drain leaves source countries worse off than before. In Finland about half of first-instance decisions have been positive in recent years, with international protection granted in a little under half of all decisions. Population growth in Africa and the Middle East is explosive. Even if Europe took in only a small share of those countries' people in need, climate migrants or those living in miserable conditions, it would place considerably greater strain on the receiving countries than it does now, while doing practically nothing for the countries they leave.
Sections in this group and their figures
People smuggling and boat arrivalsFinnish authorities recorded 277 offences of arranging illegal entry, the people-smuggling offence, in 2016 and 177 in 2023, against 54–103 a year in the other years of 2017–2025. On the Central Mediterranean route 151,000 people reached Italy or Malta by sea in 2023, and an estimated 175,000–228,000 of the route's 254,000 departures used smugglers.
Establishing ageIn 2025, 58.1 percent of unaccompanied minor asylum applicants in Finland and 73.1 percent in the EU27 declared an age of 16 or 17. Only those whose age is in doubt are sent for an age examination, and a majority of them have been assessed as adults: 62 percent in Finland in 2015, about 65 percent in 2016 and 83 percent in Sweden in 2017.
Safety at asylum reception centres43% of reception-centre staff had faced violence or threats at work in the previous 12 months, most often from a resident of the centre (survey 2016).
Reception-system costsReception-system costs track applicant numbers steeply: they peaked at €607 million in 2016, against about €100 million in 2021.
Illegal stay and returns in FinlandIn 2025 Finland ordered 5,070 people to leave the country and recorded 1,915 returns. That is about two returns for every five orders.
People smuggling and boat arrivalsSafety
Key figures
Finnish authorities recorded 277 offences of arranging illegal entry, the people-smuggling offence, in 2016 and 177 in 2023, against 54–103 a year in the other years of 2017–2025. On the Central Mediterranean route 151,000 people reached Italy or Malta by sea in 2023, and an estimated 175,000–228,000 of the route's 254,000 departures used smugglers.
In 2024 Finland took in 810 resettled refugees, while 2,275 first-time asylum applications were lodged.
Some asylum seekers reach Europe from North Africa across the Mediterranean in people smugglers' boats. The journey is a paid service, and its price raises the question of who can afford to leave: for many the journey is an investment in getting to Europe.
The smuggling routes across the Mediterranean and the English Channel are run by organised criminal networks that use violence against both migrants and local residents. In Finland the authorities recorded 277 offences of arranging illegal entry, the people-smuggling offence, in 2016 and 177 in 2023. In the other years of 2017–2025 they recorded 54–103 a year.
The demand does not come from nowhere. Most asylum applications are rejected, but according to the Commission only a small share of return decisions in the EU is enforced. When arrival is in practice a permanent outcome regardless of how the application ends, paying for the journey is worth it, and permanent arrival is exactly what the smugglers sell. Countering smuggling is therefore as much a question of return policy as of border control.
Those in the greatest need have a route without a smuggler: the need for protection of quota refugees is examined before the journey. The route is narrow. In 2024 resettlement reached about 0.6 per cent of the world's refugees. Finland took in 810 quota refugees that year, against 2,275 first-time asylum applications.
Third-country nationals found illegally present in the EU · 2008–2025 (Eurostat migr_eipre)
The bar is the number of third-country nationals found to be illegally present in the EU during the year, according to Eurostat.
The figure counts detections, not the number of people staying in the country. These are findings by the authorities, so it measures enforcement activity as much as the size of the phenomenon. Eurostat counts each person once per year per country, so in the EU total someone found in Greece and later in Germany appears twice, which matters most in transit-heavy years.
People who apply for asylum after being found are included: an asylum application makes the stay lawful while it is processed, and some are granted protection. The 2015 peak is mostly crisis-year arrivals, not 2.1 million people residing illegally. The only asylum-related exclusion Eurostat names is Dublin transfers between EU countries.
The figure covers both those who crossed the border without authorisation and those who arrived legally but stayed after their permit expired. These are different phenomena and the statistic does not separate them.
The figure is not the number of people arriving by sea. UNHCR tracks maritime arrivals officially.
Quota refugees are selected in refugee camps on UNHCR's proposal, and their need for protection is examined before the journey. UNHCR reports that 188,759 people were resettled worldwide in 2024, a year with 31.0 million refugees and 8.4 million asylum seekers, so resettlement reached about 0.6 per cent of the refugees. Eurostat has EU countries resettling 13,790 people in 2024 and 10,220 in 2025. Finland's figures were 810 and 620. Finland received 2,275 first-time asylum applications in 2024 and 1,970 in 2025.
UNODC's Observatory on Smuggling of Migrants estimates the financial value of smuggling by sea on the Central Mediterranean route at US$290–370 million in 2023, and 254,000 people departed the North African coast, 79% more than in 2022, of whom an estimated 175,000–228,000 were smuggled. 151,000 reached Italy or Malta, North African coastguards intercepted 102,000, and 1,800 died or went missing.
The Commission's proposal for a new Return Regulation, 11 March 2025. Its reasoning states that successful returns of people staying illegally currently run at around 20 percent. The proposal would replace the 2008 Return Directive and make one member state's return decision recognised in the others.
According to UNODC's research brief, smuggling fees vary widely, between under US$20 and over $15,000. The price depends on the smuggled person's nationality or ethnicity and economic status, the route, the mode of smuggling (land, sea, air), demand and levels of enforcement, among other factors. Fees are most often paid in cash or through hawala-type systems that are hard to trace.
Parliament and Council reached political agreement on the Return Regulation on 1 June 2026. The Commission notes the return rate rose to 28% in 2025, but says the number of effective returns is still too low.
Recognition rates and protection needSafety
Key figures
In Finland 54.0% of first-instance asylum decisions were positive in 2023, 53.7% in 2024 and 50.2% in 2025.
In 2017 the administrative courts decided 8,854 asylum appeals and upheld 2,976 of them, about a third.
In public debate asylum seekers are often called refugees, as if the application itself showed a need for protection. The EU asylum system, however, rejects a majority of applications. The share of positive decisions is well under half at first instance and lower still after appeal, so an appeal rarely changes the outcome.
Differences between nationalities are stark: in the same year most applicants of one nationality are recognised and only a fraction of another. A recognition rate measures an administrative outcome: it says who met the standard of proof, not directly who was in need of protection.
Finland's own figures say the same. In 2016, 27.5% of decisions were positive. By 2018 the share was 43%. It also moves with the line taken: among Iraqi applicants aged 18–34, 85% received a positive decision in 2015 and 33% in 2017, after the service reassessed the security situation in Iraq.
No case is known of a person returned from Finland having been persecuted, and nobody follows returnees systematically. What happens after a rejection is under illegal stay and returns.
Details
32,477 asylum applications were lodged in Finland in 2015. In 2016 the Finnish Immigration Service decided 28,208 international-protection cases, of which 7,745 were positive.
Of the 8,854 appeals the administrative courts decided in 2017, 2,976 (about a third) succeeded. The most common reason was new evidence (1,639 cases) rather than an error by the service. A procedural error was recorded in 360.
People who fled Ukraine are not in these shares at all: they were received under the temporary protection directive, outside the asylum procedure.
Few cases of persecution are known among people returned from Europe, though individual cases draw exceptional attention in the press and the courts.
Share of positive asylum decisions in the EU · 2025
At first instance 325,765 of 832,360 decisions were positive, and on appeal 35,565 of 170,175. An appeal therefore overturns a decision less often than a first hearing accepts an application.
% of decisions
Details
The shares are of decisions, not of applicants. The same applicant can receive both a first-instance and an appeal decision, so the figures do not add up.
The recognition rate varies sharply by nationality: it is high for Syrians and under 20 per cent for many North and West African countries.
Both international protection and protection granted on national humanitarian grounds are included.
Recognition rates: most applicants do not meet the criteria for protection
In 2025 the EU issued 832,360 first-instance asylum decisions, of which 325,765 (39%) were positive. At the appeal stage 170,175 decisions were issued, of which 35,565 (21%) were positive. Positive decisions at both stages together come to about 43% of the number of first-instance decisions. The figure is approximate, because appeal decisions partly concern applications from earlier years.
A full review of the asylum process from application to return, commissioned by the Ministry of the Interior. In 2015 there were 32,477 asylum applications. In 2016 the Immigration Service decided 28,208 international-protection cases, of which 7,745 or 27.5% were positive. In 2018 there were 4,548 applications and a 43% positive share. The administrative courts decided 8,854 appeals in 2017 and upheld 2,976 of them, and in 2018 upheld 2,370 of 6,821. The most common ground for a successful appeal was new evidence (1,639 cases in 2017) rather than an error by the service. A procedural error at the Immigration Service was recorded in 360 cases and an error of law in 17. The review also states that no statistics are available on interrupted removals or their reasons, and that legislative changes have created a new group of people staying in Finland unlawfully, because returns do not succeed to some of the main countries of origin.
European Journal of Political Economy · Timothy J. Hatton2023-01
Summary
A peer-reviewed study of asylum decisions in 20 European countries. It examines what explains the recognition rates of applicants from 65 origin countries over 2003–2017. The total first-instance recognition rate, the share of decisions granting any form of protection, rose from 11.9 per cent in 2003 to 38.5 per cent in 2018. The share granted refugee status under the Geneva Convention rose over the same years from 5.5 to 22.3 per cent. Except in the crisis years 2015 and 2016, fewer than half of first-instance decisions granted any form of protection. According to Hatton, counting successful appeals and reviews would raise the total rate by about 7 percentage points on average. Differences between origin countries are large: over 2008–2018, 94.7 per cent of Syrian applicants and 85.6 per cent of Eritrean applicants were granted protection, while for applicants from 13 origin countries the share was under 10 per cent. According to Hatton the rise came mainly from increased political violence and human rights abuse in the origin countries. The combined effect of the EU directives on recognition rates was positive but modest. Differences between destination countries remained large even after accounting for the applicants' origin countries and the implementation of the directives.
Eurostat's official statistics on EU asylum decisions, with figures for 2025. 39.1% of first-instance decisions were positive, and 20.9% of final decisions after appeal or review. Recognition rates vary sharply by nationality: among the ten citizenships with the most first-instance decisions, the highest were Venezuelans (92.1%), Ukrainians (73.3%) and Afghans (73.3%). In final decisions the highest was Syrians (67.3%). Differences between member states are also large: more than 90% of first-instance decisions were positive in Estonia, less than 10% in Croatia and Cyprus. In Finland 54.0% were positive in 2023, 53.7% in 2024 and 50.2% in 2025. Refugee status or subsidiary protection made up 48.9, 48.5 and 44.2% of decisions in the same years. The Finnish figures are calculated from Eurostat's database table migr_asydcfsta. The page is updated every year.
EU countries granted protection status to 361,325 applicants in 2025, 18% fewer than in 2024 (437,735). There were 832,360 first-instance decisions, meaning decisions by the authorities before any appeal, and 325,765 of them, or 39%, were positive. There were 170,175 final decisions taken after an appeal or review, and 35,565 of them, or 21%, were positive. The make-up of protection changed. Of the positive decisions, 51% granted refugee status, 25% humanitarian status and 24% subsidiary protection. Compared with 2024, subsidiary protection fell by 50%, humanitarian status rose by 11% and refugee status stayed almost unchanged (−0.5%). Grants are concentrated in a few countries: Germany, Spain and France together made 70% of all grants. Germany made 103,360 positive decisions (29%), Spain 76,210 (21%) and France 72,930 (20%). The largest groups of recipients were Afghans (27%), Venezuelans (16%), and Syrians and Ukrainians (5% each). Differences between nationalities are stark. At first instance the recognition rate was 92% for Venezuelans, 73% for Afghans and 13% for Turks. At the appeal stage it was 67% for Syrians, 36% for Afghans and 18% for Iraqis. The figures cover both international protection and protection granted on national humanitarian grounds.
MPI's interactive data visualisation of asylum recognition rates in EU and EFTA countries 2008–2017. Shows how sharply approval rates vary both by country and by nationality: the same applicant can receive a completely different decision in different EU countries. This inconsistency suggests decisions are not based solely on the applicant's objective protection need but also on the receiving country's political and administrative practices.
Italy 2016: how many of the sea arrivals received protection
In 2016, 181,436 people arrived in Italy by sea (Italian Ministry of Interior statistics). Only 4,808 received formal refugee status under the Geneva Convention, just 2.65% of all arrivals. 123,600 people applied for asylum in Italy. Of the 91,102 decisions taken in 2016, 60% (54,254) were negative. About 57,800 did not apply for asylum in Italy at all but continued to other EU countries. The share compares Geneva-Convention refugee status with all arrivals, not only applicants. Broader measures that include subsidiary and humanitarian protection produce higher rates.
A fact-check of Luca Ricolfi's article in Il Sole 24 Ore, which argued that only a small share of arrivals receive protection. According to the article, only ten in a hundred asylum applications ended in refugee status, but positive decisions granting subsidiary or humanitarian protection were far more numerous: 61% in 2013, 60% in 2014 and 45% in the first two months of 2015. In 2014 about 170,000 people arrived by sea, of whom 65,000, about 38%, applied for asylum in Italy. The largest groups, Syrians and Eritreans, mostly sought protection in other EU countries. Drawing on UNHCR figures, the article estimates that about 59% of those crossing the Mediterranean would be entitled to some form of protection, and rates the claim that arrivals are mostly economic migrants as incorrect.
In 2016, 2.65% of sea arrivals received formal refugee status. Il Sole 24 Ore reported the figure from these statistics in April 2017. The daily cruscotto statistico contains sea arrival counts, asylum applications and decisions.
Gender and age profile: arrivals are predominantly young men
Refugee flows registered in UNHCR camps typically have a broadly balanced sex and age profile: families, women and children. Those crossing the Mediterranean to Europe show a clear male majority. The route itself selects young men regardless of motive, because crossing the Mediterranean and the Sahara is life-threatening and costs thousands of euros in smugglers' fees, while UNHCR camps sit next to the conflict and are within reach of families. Migration research also documents the household strategy in which a family sends the member most likely to earn, typically a young man, as a way of diversifying risk. The same distribution therefore arises from both economic and humanitarian motives.
Frontex (European Border and Coast Guard Agency)2016
Summary
The EU border agency Frontex's annual risk analysis. Reports that in 2014 about 74% of those crossing the Mediterranean were adult men, 11% women, and 15% children. During the 2015 crisis peak the composition shifted as the Syrian civil war brought more families, but adult men remained the majority afterwards. Frontex emphasises that mixed flows contain both people genuinely needing international protection and economic migrants.
A survey of about 22,000 people who arrived in Europe in 2015–2016 (IOM Flow Monitoring, Gallup World Poll). The study asks who leaves: whether those who go are better educated than the average in their home country or not. Refugees and women who arrived without permission are better educated than that average. Men who arrived without permission are not. What decides the direction is the situation at home: from war-torn countries education raises the likelihood of leaving, from peaceful ones it lowers it. This means there is no single answer to whether arrivals are refugees or people moving for economic reasons. The answer depends on the country of origin. Of those from Afghanistan, Eritrea, Iraq, Somalia, Sudan and Syria, more than 90% gave conflict or persecution as their reason for leaving, while most of those from Morocco and Algeria gave economic conditions. Only 3% named a lack of basic services, food or shelter as their main reason.
UNHCR's official operational data portal for maritime arrivals in Europe, with counts by route and receiving country and the numbers dead or missing. Its monthly situation reports also break arrivals down by sex and age: in 2015, 58% of arrivals across the Mediterranean were adult men, 17% women and 25% children. In Q1 2016 the shares shifted to 47% adult men, 20% women and 34% children as the Syrian refugee flow grew.
Eurostat's official database of asylum applicants by age and sex (migr_asyappctza). In 2025, men aged 18–34 made up 36.2% of the EU's 672,350 first-time applicants, by far the largest single age-sex group. Men made up 64.9% of applicants in all. In the crisis year 2015 the corresponding shares were 41.9% and 72.5%. The database enables comparison by country and year.
Asylum shopping: applicants move on from the first country of arrival
A significant share of asylum seekers move within the EU beyond the first country of arrival. The Commission describes this as a search for the best conditions in which to apply. What those conditions consist of is where the sources disagree. A legal analysis puts the weight on labour markets and family networks. This so-called asylum shopping does not itself shift the burden onto border states. That burden already follows from the Dublin Regulation's first-country-of-entry rule. Shopping instead strains the system as a whole: when an applicant lodges claims in multiple countries, transfers back to the country of first entry often fail in practice.
A peer-reviewed study of how asylum applications and recognition rates affect each other in 29 European countries over 1987–2010. A higher recognition rate draws more applications to a country, and a rise in applications in turn lowers the recognition rate. The effects are statistically significant but small. They come mostly from differences between countries rather than from changes within one country over time, so according to the author they are of limited practical significance. Government positions favouring immigration and multiculturalism had no effect on application shares or recognition rates. Unemployment was only weakly related to recognition rates and not at all to application shares.
A peer-reviewed study of when generous benefits pull migrants in and when they do not. It compares two migration routes. Movement within the EU, Norway and Switzerland is free: the migrant picks the country and nobody screens them. Migration from outside is restricted: the destination decides who is let in. On the free-movement route the magnet effect is there: the more generous the welfare, the less educated the arrivals. On the restricted route the result reverses, the more generous the system the better educated the arrivals, because voters do not want to admit net recipients and permit policy selects accordingly. Asylum is neither of these. The applicant picks the country as under free movement, but entry is decided by the destination as under restricted migration, and that decision is a legal test of the need for protection rather than the fiscal selection the study describes. The study therefore does not measure asylum, and neither of its results carries over to it as such.
Politico's report on the Commission's proposals of April 2016. According to migration commissioner Dimitris Avramopoulos, a central aim of the reforms is to end asylum shopping, which occurs when refugees move among EU countries in search of the best conditions in which to apply for asylum. The article does not specify what those conditions consist of. The Dublin Regulation requires a claim to be processed in the first country of arrival, which in itself burdens the Mediterranean border states because of where they lie. In practice, however, the system does not work: applicants travel on and lodge claims in several countries, and transfers back to the country of first arrival often fail.
A peer-reviewed study of whether tightening asylum policy reduces the number of applicants or diverts them to other countries. The data are applications from 45 origin countries to nine Western European countries over 1985–2010, with the strictness of policy measured by an index. Tightening reduces applications to the country that tightens: when a country's index rises by ten per cent of its mean, its applications fall by almost 3 per cent. Some applicants are deflected to other countries: when the other countries' index rises by ten per cent, applications to the country rise by more than 4 per cent. When the whole group of countries tightens, the total number of applicants leaving the origin countries falls. The authors themselves consider that estimate too strong to be used directly as policy guidance, and one alternative estimation method gives a much smaller figure for it. The authors also note that people can flee conflict and persecution without registering as asylum seekers.
A peer-reviewed natural experiment on whether the level of benefits affects migration. In 2002 Denmark cut benefits for arrivals from outside the EU by about half, reversed the cut, and later reintroduced it. That is three turns of direction, and they can be compared with each other. According to the authors the cut reduced net immigration by about 5,000 people a year and the reversal restored the effect almost exactly. Asylum applications fell from about 10,000 to under 5,000 within a few years and rose again after the reversal. The elasticity of migration with respect to benefits was 1.3. This is the strongest single piece of evidence for benefits as a pull factor. Its size is disputed nonetheless. A replication published by the Institute for Replication (Adema 2026, I4R Discussion Paper 302) puts the elasticity at no more than 0.28 for arrivals and 0.14 for the number of migrants living in the country, against the original 1.3. The replication's elasticity for asylum applications is 0.77, but that estimate is highly uncertain.
Economics Observatory · Valentina Di Iasio & Jackline Wahba2023-09-21
Summary
A review of the research on how asylum seekers choose a destination country. There is a positive correlation between the generosity of welfare and the number of applications, but it is weak. The link between the networks formed by earlier applicants and application numbers is about five times the effect of social spending. The effect of a ban on working is about a quarter of the network link. According to the review, applicants typically do not even know the destination country’s rules that apply to them, and follow the footsteps of family and acquaintances instead.
A legal analysis of how the EU's Dublin system works. Secondary movements mean applicants moving on from the first country of arrival to other member states. They are a direct consequence of the Dublin Regulation's failure to create genuine solidarity between member states in sharing responsibility. According to the author, the movements are driven above all by labour-market prospects, family and community networks and reception conditions. Applicants know so little about asylum law, in the author's view, that detailed rules steer their choices only to a limited extent. The problem is structural and cannot be solved by enforcement alone.
What happens to those returned: the monitoring gap
The fate of those refused is not followed up, so claims of danger and claims of safety alike rest on individual cases. Between 2015 and 2017 the decision line shifted sharply: positive decisions for Iraqi applicants fell from 85% to 33%. The best-known individual case led to Finland being condemned by the European Court of Human Rights in 2019, but the Court annulled its judgment on 13 July 2021 after the death certificate turned out to be forged.
Yhdenvertaisuusvaltuutettu, Turun yliopisto ja Åbo Akademi2018
Summary
A pilot study comparing the Immigration Service's international-protection decisions from 2015 and 2017. Among Iraqi applicants aged 18–34 in the material, 85% received a positive decision in 2015 and 33% in 2017. The change showed most concretely in how the service assessed whether an applicant's stated fear of violence was well founded. The study does not show which year judged the situation correctly: the security situation in Iraq did change in between, and the administrative courts upheld the great majority of negative decisions. The finding still matters for reading recognition rates: the rate is partly a variable of policy and interpretation, not only a property of the applicant pool. The study led the Immigration Service to review the quality of its own decision-making.
The European Court of Human Rights found that Finland had breached the Convention in a case where an Iraqi man who received a negative decision in 2016 returned to Baghdad and was reported to have been killed weeks later. The Court annulled its judgment in its entirety on 13 July 2021, after the applicant was found to have presented a forged death certificate.
The National Bureau of Investigation opened a criminal inquiry on suspicion that the man reported killed in the ECtHR case was still alive. According to the Foreign Ministry the death was never confirmed and no compensation was paid. The case shows how difficult it is to verify what happens to those who are returned.
On 13 July 2021 the Court annulled in its entirety its 2019 judgment, which had found that Finland breached the Convention by returning an Iraqi man. According to the Court the applicant had knowingly deceived it with false evidence. In February 2021 the Helsinki District Court had convicted the applicant of aggravated fraud and aggravated forgery.
Establishing ageSafety
Key figures
In 2025, 58.1 percent of unaccompanied minor asylum applicants in Finland and 73.1 percent in the EU27 declared an age of 16 or 17. Only those whose age is in doubt are sent for an age examination, and a majority of them have been assessed as adults: 62 percent in Finland in 2015, about 65 percent in 2016 and 83 percent in Sweden in 2017.
In forensic age assessments in Finland, 56–79% of those examined in 2011–2015 were assessed as adults.
Age decides which law applies to a person. Someone under 18 falls under child protection and compulsory education, is given a representative, is treated more leniently in criminal law and is in a stronger position for family reunification. The authorities, however, do not observe age. They record it. Government bill 240/2009 listed the reasons age can remain unclear: the country of origin may have no civil register, documents may be lost or out of reach because of persecution, and not every applicant knows their own age. The same bill noted that some children state an age above their real one and some applicants state an age below it, and that smugglers advise in both directions.
This section is not about individual cases. Three series can be measured: the age unaccompanied minors state, the results of forensic age examinations, and the age structure of the route into school. None of them says how many people state a false age. Together they say how narrow the age range in question is, and how blunt the instruments for answering it are.
Share aged 16 to 17 among unaccompanied minor applicants · Finland and EU27, 2012–2025
About two thirds of unaccompanied minor asylum seekers state that they are 16 or 17. Those are the last two years of childhood before the threshold of adulthood. The share under 14 stays small even though that band covers fourteen years of age. The same share holds across the EU and Finland does not stand apart from it, so this is not one country's phenomenon.
% of unaccompanied minors
FinlandEU27
Details
Eurostat rounds to the nearest five, so the shares in small years move about. In 2025 the whole group was about 155 people in Finland and 17,935 in the EU.
The age bands are of different widths. Under 14 covers fourteen years of age, 14 to 15 covers two and 16 to 17 covers two.
The figure is the age stated at registration, not a proven age. Travelling alone is more common for older teenagers than for children, so the concentration would be expected even without any misstatement.
Share assessed as adults in forensic age examinations · Finland and Sweden
An examination is ordered only once there is reason to doubt the stated age, so the share does not describe everyone who claimed to be a minor. It describes the group the authorities had already picked out on suspicion. With that caveat, the result has been the same in two countries and over fifteen years: a majority of those examined were assessed to be adults.
% of those examined
FinlandSweden
Details
The Finnish 2009 figure is from government bill 240/2009 and covers 89 examinations ordered by four police departments between January and July, of which 58 turned out to be adults. The law on establishing age only entered into force in 2010.
The Finnish 2015 figure is the Immigration Service's: of 149 examined, 92 were assessed as adults. Yle had earlier reported 90. The service counted 3,024 unaccompanied minor applicants that year. The 2016 figure is about 65 per cent of 630 examinations, so it is rounded.
Of Sweden's 9,617 examinations in 2017, 8,007 pointed to an age of at least 18, 1,425 to a possible age under 18 and 119 to possible adulthood, and in 66 cases no assessment could be made.
The method is not precise. The government bill described the reference atlas most commonly used in wrist-bone examination as compiled in 1935 from Americans of European descent, and not for age assessment. The biological range allowed for is two years in the Netherlands, one and a half in Belgium and one in Austria.
Pupils in preparatory education for basic education by age · Finland 2022 and 2025
Preparatory education is a newly arrived pupil's route into basic school. Most of its pupils are of primary-school age, but every year it also includes pupils who have turned 16. In 2022 there were 520 of them, 5.6 per cent of all 9,307 pupils, and in 2025 there were 291, 4.6 per cent of 6,392. The figure does not measure misstated age. It measures how many begin the basic-school path at the top end of compulsory education.
Pupils
20222025
Details
Preparatory education is meant for pupils of compulsory-school and pre-primary age, so a pupil aged 16 or 17 falls within its target group.
There is a separate route for adults. Adult basic education had 9,444 students in 2025, more than the number of pupils in preparatory education.
Age is a register entry, that is, the age at which the pupil is recorded in the population information system.
The high pupil numbers in 2022 and 2023 are partly explained by the arrival of children fleeing Ukraine.
Age assessments: most of those examined were assessed as adults (2011–2016)
Status as an unaccompanied minor brings advantages: a lighter reception procedure, a guardian and better prospects of family reunification. Age is verified with a forensic examination (dental and wrist X-rays). In 2011–2015, 56–79% of those examined were assessed to be adults: of the 149 examined in 2015, 92 (62%), and of the record 630 examinations in 2016, about 65%. The shares cover those examined, not everyone who claimed to be a minor: an examination is ordered where there is reason to doubt the stated age, so the share for the whole group cannot be read from these figures. The method is accurate only to about ±2 years and has been criticised on medical grounds. The number of examinations collapsed after 2017, so the figures describe 2011–2016.
In 2016 a forensic age assessment was performed on 630 asylum seekers who had claimed to be minors, a record number. About 65%, roughly 410 of those tested, turned out to be adults. The test is based on dental and hand/wrist X-rays.
A review by forensic dentists: in 2011–2015, 56–79% of examined persons who had claimed to be under 18 were assessed to be over 18. In 2016, 642 examinations were performed (630 ordered by authorities). From the start of 2017, responsibility for the examinations moved from the University of Helsinki to THL.
The bill that added sections 6 a to 6 c on establishing age to the Aliens Act. An examination requires written consent from the applicant and their representative, and a person who refuses is treated as an adult unless there is an acceptable reason for the refusal. Refusal alone cannot be a ground for rejection. The bill records that only a few dozen examinations were carried out from the mid-1990s to the end of 2008, and that of 89 examinations between January and July 2009, 58 turned out to be adults. Unaccompanied minor applicants numbered 220 in 2005, 108 in 2006, 98 in 2007 and 706 in 2008. Of the 473 who had arrived by mid-November 2009, 417, about 90 per cent, said they were 15 or older. The bill reviews the limits of the methods and the practice of other European countries.
In 2015 there were 3,024 unaccompanied minor asylum applicants, against 196 in 2014. An age examination was carried out on 149 applicants in 2015, and 92 of them, 62 per cent, were assessed as adults. In 2014, 70 were examined and 39 of them, 56 per cent, were assessed as adults. The service says an examination is ordered only where there are obvious grounds to doubt the stated age, so the result for those examined does not show that most of all minor applicants were adults.
Table 14wv breaks preparatory-education pupils down by single years of age from 2022 onwards. It is the only basic-education statistic with age as a variable of its own: the basic-school pupil tables carry the year group but not the age, so a pupil's age relative to their year group cannot be computed from these statistics.
The statistics published by Sweden's National Board of Forensic Medicine covering every medical age assessment carried out. In 2017 it issued 9,617 statements, of which 8,007 pointed to an age of at least 18. In 2018 there were 1,252 statements of which 896 pointed to adulthood, and in 2019 the figures were 199 and 125. The number of examinations collapsed as requests from the Swedish Migration Agency fell away. It is the most comprehensive single body of evidence on age assessment results in Europe, because Sweden carried out an order of magnitude more examinations than anywhere else.
Annual statistics on unaccompanied minor applicants in three age bands: under 14, 14 to 15 and 16 to 17. The data covers EU countries from 2012 onwards. It is the only continuous series from which the distribution of stated ages can be read by country and year. The figures are ages stated at registration and are rounded to the nearest five.
Safety at asylum reception centresSafety
Key figures
43% of reception-centre staff had faced violence or threats at work in the previous 12 months, most often from a resident of the centre (survey 2016).
Asylum seekers were suspects in 2,057 offences between 1 January and 30 September 2016. The commonest were assault (596) and petty theft (330).
The accommodation provided for asylum seekers has raised questions about how safe the centres are, both for the people working in them and for the residents themselves. The question is hard to answer, because up-to-date aggregate statistics are not published openly in Finland: what exists for Finland is mostly from 2016–2018, the years of the large asylum influx. The same system’s spending is under reception-system costs and the comparison with the native population under criminality.
Asylum seekers suspected of an offence by offence type · 1 Jan to 30 Sep 2016
A total of 2,057 suspicions were recorded. Two thirds of them are assault or petty theft, and the police say the assaults arose mainly from fights between applicants inside the centres.
The figures are suspicions per offence type, not convictions and not individuals. One person can appear under several types.
There is no comparison group in this picture. Tens of thousands of applicants were in the country at the time and the group was overwhelmingly men aged 18 to 34, so comparing with the native population requires standardising for age and sex.
The data covers nine months of 2016. No up-to-date compilation is published openly.
Netherlands
The Dutch Ministry of Justice and Security's research centre WODC publishes an annual report on incidents involving the residents of the centres run by the asylum reception agency COA and of temporary municipal reception locations, and on the offences they are suspected of. In 2025, 112,745 people stayed at these locations at some point in the year, and the police registered 3,270 of them, 3%, as crime suspects. Of the Algerian nationals among the residents 33% were registered as suspects, of the Moroccan nationals 31% and of the Tunisian nationals 25%.
Share of reception residents registered as crime suspects, by nationality · Netherlands 2025
The figure is the share of a nationality's residents whom the police registered as a suspect of at least one offence in 2025. The number of suspects is in brackets. Of all residents, 3% were suspects.
The figures are suspects registered by the police, not convictions. They cover offences committed while the suspect was staying at a COA centre or a temporary municipal reception location.
The share is a nationality's suspects in 2025 divided by that nationality's residents. Residents are everyone who stayed at the locations at some point in the year. WODC rounds counts to the nearest five and shares to whole per cents.
The statistics record nationality, not country of birth. According to WODC, the group Unknown covers people whose nationality could not be established, their children born in the Netherlands, and nationals of states that no longer exist or that the Netherlands does not recognise, such as Palestine.
WODC notes that Tunisian, Georgian and Libyan nationals are small groups. They are not among the 15 largest nationalities in reception, and neither are Moroccan and Egyptian nationals. The smallest of the 15 largest groups was Ethiopian nationals, with 1,620 residents. There were 1,845 Algerian and 42,615 Syrian nationals.
The 425 suspects of other nationalities are not in the chart, because WODC gives no share for them.
The figures are not standardised for age and sex. Of the residents 69% were men, and 4.1% of male residents were registered as suspects against 0.3% of female residents. According to WODC, the differences between nationalities may partly come from the groups' age and sex structure.
According to WODC, earlier research has shown that the differences in crime between reception residents and the rest of the population disappear or are largely explained once age and sex are taken into account (Achbari & Leerkes 2017). The report gives no standardised figures.
WODC (2026): incidents and offences among reception residents in the Netherlands, 2019–2025202610 findings
Noyon, Barsegyan, Vink & Pluymaekers, WODC Cahier 2026-11, sent to the House of Representatives on 2 July 2026 (Kamerstuk 19637-3614). All 112,745 people who stayed at a COA centre or a temporary municipal reception location in 2025. COA, police, prosecution and court records are linked at the individual level.
In 2025, 112,745 people stayed at COA centres and temporary municipal reception locations at some point in the year, with an average of 72,020 residents a day. Of the residents 69% were men and 27% minors. Syrian nationals made up 38%.
COA recorded 17,750 incidents in 2025, against 16,740 a year earlier. Incidents cover physical, verbal and non-verbal aggression and violence, verbal suicide threats and self-destructive acts. COA recorded 12,775 residents, 11%, as involved in an incident of aggression or violence. Among unaccompanied minors 29% were recorded as involved.
In 2025 the police made 7,515 suspect registrations for offences committed while the suspect was staying at a centre. That was 23% more than in 2024. There were 3,270 distinct suspects, 3% of residents. Of the registrations 64% concerned property offences, and shoplifting made up 36% of all registrations.
Of the suspects 97% were men and 52% were aged 18–29. Of male residents 4.1% and of female residents 0.3% were registered as suspects. Of residents aged 18–29, 4% were suspects, of minors 2% and of those aged 40 or over 1%.
Of the suspects 21% were minors. In 2024 the share was 22%, while minors made up 11% of all crime suspects in the Netherlands. Unaccompanied minors made up 22% of suspects in 2025 and 8% of residents, and 8% of them were registered as suspects.
The highest shares of suspects were among Algerian nationals (33%, 620 suspects), Moroccan nationals (31%, 330) and Tunisian nationals (25%, 110). Syrian nationals were the largest group of suspects, 970 or 30%. Of the Syrian residents, 2% were suspects.
In 2025 the courts of first instance decided 1,810 cases in which the suspect had been staying at a centre at the time of the offence. The defendant was found guilty in 95% of the cases. Of the sentences imposed, 72% were imprisonment or juvenile detention (jeugddetentie), 19% community service (taakstraf) and 7% fines. Sentences can also be imposed wholly or partly suspended.
In 2024 imprisonment or juvenile detention made up 81% of the sentences imposed on residents, against 36% of those imposed on the whole population. Community service made up 10% for residents and 30% for the whole population, and fines 7% and 17%.
According to WODC, the whole-population figures are in the report as context only and not as a comparison, because the groups' age, sex and socioeconomic structure is not standardised. The residents include many young men, so a comparison with the whole population overstates the difference compared with people of the same age and sex. According to WODC, earlier research has shown that the differences in crime between reception residents and the rest of the population disappear or are largely explained once age and sex are taken into account (Achbari & Leerkes 2017). The report gives no standardised figures.
The data come from the operational systems of COA, the police, the prosecution service and the courts, which were not built for statistics. Figures in the tables are rounded to the nearest five. COA moved to a new reporting system in 2025, and as a result the figures for earlier years have been revised upwards from earlier reports.
A safety survey of reception-centre staff carried out in May 2016 by the National Council for Crime Prevention and the Finnish Immigration Service: 876 respondents from 86 municipalities, response rate about 30%, so those with experience of the problem may be overrepresented. 43% had experienced violence or threats at work during the previous 12 months, the perpetrator most often a resident of the centre (77%, an outsider 9%, a colleague 4%). The most common acts were throwing objects and breaking things (24%), psychological violence such as verbal threats (22%), physical violence (7%), and threats with a blunt, edged or firearm weapon (3%), which is five times the municipal-sector average (0.6%). Fear of violence was more common (36%) than among employed Finns generally (16%, national crime victim survey 2015). Instructors were most exposed: 32% had had objects thrown at them. Idleness was seen as the main cause of disruptive behaviour, but 40% of respondents judged religion-related conflicts to have a large or very large effect and over 30% considered substance use a major cause. The centres were nonetheless experienced as safe: 96% considered working in the centre safe, only 3% saw bullying between residents as a big problem, and levels of violence matched social- and health-care work generally.
Poliisin rikosilmoitusjärjestelmä / OMSO 1/2017, liite 22017-01
Summary
A compilation from the police crime-report system, published as an annex to the Ministry of Justice report: asylum seekers were suspects in 2,057 offence records between 1 January and 30 September 2016. The most common offence titles were assault (596), petty theft (330), petty assault (149), unlawful threat (133) and facilitation of illegal entry (95). Sexual-offence titles included sexual harassment (38), sexual abuse of a child (25), rape (23), aggravated rape (10) and attempted rape (9), homicide titles attempted manslaughter (7) and manslaughter (2). For the whole of the preceding year, 2015, 926 asylum seekers were recorded as crime suspects. Serious violence involving knives has also occurred inside the reception centres, and probably only part of the offences committed there comes to police attention. The figures are suspicions per offence title, not convictions and not individual persons. At the same time there were tens of thousands of asylum seekers in Finland: about 32,500 applications were lodged in 2015, and the reception system housed some 30,000 people at its early-2016 peak. That group was overwhelmingly men aged 18–34, the most crime-prone age-and-sex group in every population, so a meaningful comparison with the native population requires age-and-sex standardisation. The standardised comparison is in the Criminality section.
A Police University College study went through the reports the police recorded for 2016 that carried TUPA2, the code for cases involving asylum seekers. The police introduced the code in November 2015. After reports on obtaining documents and on asylum investigations were removed, 1,565 reports remained. Of them, 74 per cent were crime reports, 7 per cent miscellaneous reports and 19 per cent apprehensions under the Police Act. The crime reports contained 1,813 offence titles. Of these, 29 per cent were assault, 12 per cent petty assault and almost as many unlawful threats. More than half of the reports concerned incidents between asylum seekers, and a fifth concerned incidents between asylum seekers and Finns. The reports recorded 1,052 crime suspects. Of them, 95 per cent were men and just over half were 25 or younger. Iraqi citizens made up 62 per cent of the suspects and Afghan citizens 10 per cent. The reports recorded 1,066 victims. Just over two thirds of the victims were men, 49 per cent were Iraqi citizens and 24 per cent Finnish citizens. Suspected sexual offences were the subject of 161 reports. In 131 of them an asylum seeker was suspected of a sexual offence against a Finnish citizen or another person living in Finland who was not an asylum seeker. In the other 30 an asylum seeker was the suspected victim of a sexual offence. Of the victims of suspected sexual offences, 90 per cent were women, 46 per cent were under 18 and almost four in five were Finnish citizens. All the suspects of sexual offences were men. Of the investigations that had been closed, 36 per cent went to the prosecutor. The researchers did not identify individuals, so the same person can appear in the figures several times. The suspects also include Finnish citizens. According to the researchers, it is not certain that the code was used in every report involving asylum seekers, nor that every coded report involved asylum seekers. Reception centres are a supervised environment, so more offences may come to light there than elsewhere. The number of asylum seekers in accommodation was nearly 30,000 at the start of 2016 and just over 20,000 at its end.
According to Verkkouutiset, the police crime statistics recorded an asylum seeker as a crime suspect 2,690 times and as a complainant 1,866 times in 2017. The numbers were almost the same as a year earlier. Asylum seekers were recorded as suspects 26 times more and as complainants 23 times fewer than in 2016. The most common offence titles were assault, unlawful threat, theft, petty theft and petty assault. The figures count how many times an asylum seeker was recorded as a suspect or a complainant. They do not count individual people, and a suspicion is not a conviction.
According to Finnish Immigration Service data, in early 2018 reception centres recorded 10–15 reports per month of violence or threats against staff, and 20–60 reports per month of violence between residents. Many reports were also made of residents harming themselves or threatening to do so. The article does not say how many. The figures covered both verbal threats and physical assaults.
Yle compiled the figures from the police performance management system PolStat and from the National Bureau of Investigation (KRP). Since 2016 the police have recorded the cases in which a crime suspect or victim is seeking asylum in Finland. According to the KRP, an asylum seeker was a suspect for about 2,700 offence titles both in 2016 and in 2017. In January to June 2018, an asylum seeker was a suspect in 1,275 offences. The number of suspicions had hardly fallen, although the number of people seeking asylum or appealing their decision had dropped by thousands in two years. By the end of June 2018, an asylum seeker had been a suspect in 71 sexual offences, of which 32 concerned rape and 14 sexual abuse of a child. According to Detective Superintendent Sari Sarani of the KRP, the statistics give no overall picture of sexual offences, because only a very small share of them comes to police attention. The figures are suspicions, not convictions.
The National Bureau of Investigation (KRP) told Yle in January 2025 that the police had recorded about 50 crime reports in which an asylum seeker who had arrived over the eastern border since autumn 2023 was suspected of an offence in Finland. The suspicions concerned mainly offences against life and health and property offences. The police had also received individual suspicions of sexual, drug and traffic offences and of offences against the authorities. From August 2023, about 1,300 third-country nationals came to Finland over the eastern border. According to the KRP, about 35 per cent of them have been missing at some point. The police did not specify the cases, and the figures are suspicions, not convictions.
Reception-system costsEconomy
Key figures
Reception-system costs track applicant numbers steeply: they peaked at €607 million in 2016, against about €100 million in 2021.
The Finnish Immigration Service bought more than €550 million of reception services without competitive tendering in 2022–2023, as direct awards justified by the emergency.
The two-year contract for a family group home in a villa on Villilänsaari in Tampere is worth about €1.4 million. It has places for seven unaccompanied minors and eight staff (2024).
Keeping an asylum system running is not free. The state pays for applicants’ accommodation and subsistence while their applications are processed, and spending tracks applicant numbers, so it swings sharply from year to year.
In the state's final accounts, purchased reception services and allowances paid to clients peaked in the years following the 2015 spike in applications and bottomed out in 2021. The level then rose again, mostly because of temporary protection for people who fled Ukraine. The scale of reception between 1997 and 2015 is on the timeline.
Reception-system expenditure in the state's final accounts · Finland (2014–2024)
The cost of the reception system tracks applicant numbers with sharp swings. The annual cost depends heavily on the number of people received: at its highest, costs rose to as much as €607 million in 2016, while in 2021 the cost was about €100 million.
The chart covers purchased reception services (moment 26.40.21) and allowances paid to clients (26.40.63). It does NOT include the operating costs of the Immigration Service and state-run reception centres (26.40.01, ~€76–104M/yr in 2022–2024), since that moment also funds the agency's other administration, nor the integration compensations paid to municipalities (covered in the Integration section).
Costs lag applicant numbers: the autumn 2015 asylum wave shows up mainly in the 2016 accounts (€530M + €78M).
The 2022–2024 level (~€340–360M/yr) is driven mostly by temporary protection for those fleeing Ukraine. The caseload peaked at ~44,000 clients (2023).
The 2025 budget (~€239M) and 2026 proposal (~€99M) anticipate a steep decline as reception capacity is wound down. They are budgeted appropriations, not actuals, and are therefore not drawn in the chart.
The unit costs in the introduction (€/person/day) come from a different table from the moment spending in the chart, and no total can be calculated from them.
A night of reception accommodation cost EUR 45–61 on average in 2012–2016, but the price ranged by type of accommodation from EUR 18 in private accommodation to EUR 208 in a group home for unaccompanied minors. The report gives no total price tag and does not claim to: it says very little is known about the long-term net effect on public finances because the reason for immigration is not recorded in statistics, and that at the time the fiscal effects of refugee-background immigration had not been studied in Finland at all. On the scale, the ministry says that against an annual budget of over EUR 55 billion a phenomenon confined to hundreds of millions has a marginal effect, and that these arrival numbers are no answer to the sustainability gap even if everyone granted a permit found work. Other figures: processing an asylum application cost EUR 1,584, the calculated compensation paid to a municipality was EUR 6,845 a year for a child under 7 and EUR 2,300 for anyone older, and the employment rate of 20–64-year-olds with a refugee background was 39% in 2014 against 74% for people of Finnish background.
A place in a reception centre came to EUR 43 a day in 2023 and EUR 41 in 2024, about EUR 15,000 a year. An applicant in private accommodation cost EUR 10–12 a day, and an unaccompanied minor in a group home EUR 231. The average total cost per person across the reception system was EUR 30 a day in 2023 and EUR 34 in 2024, excluding VAT, about EUR 11,000 and EUR 12,400 a year. The unit price does not fall as the system shrinks: the 2026 budget puts a reception-centre place at EUR 72 a day as the client count is expected to drop from 28,571 to around 9,000. Standby capacity costs much the same whatever its occupancy.
According to an investigation by Yle's MOT programme, the reception services that the Finnish Immigration Service bought without competitive tendering cost more than €550 million in 2022–2023. The purchases were made as direct awards, citing an exceptional situation as the reception of people who fled Ukraine grew.
The two-year contract for a seven-place family group home is worth about €1.4 million, and the wider procurement of four such homes up to about €5.5 million a year excluding VAT. A family group home has operated since June 2024 in a villa of over 300 m² on the shore of Lake Pyhäjärvi in Tampere. The villa is the former home of footballer Ari Hjelm and was last listed at €1.2 million and sold in early 2024. It has places for seven unaccompanied minors holding a residence permit or temporary protection, and eight social- and health-care staff work there in round-the-clock shifts. The Pirkanmaa wellbeing services county buys the service from the private operator Solum, which rents the property. According to Yle's follow-up, the unit's two-year contract is worth about €1.4 million, and the wider procurement covering four comparable group homes is worth up to about €5.5 million a year (excluding VAT). These costs do not appear in this section's chart: a family group home is not a reception centre but aftercare for minors who already hold a permit, reimbursed to the wellbeing services county by the state separately under the Integration Act, from moment 32.50.30 (state compensation for promoting integration, €349.7 million in the 2026 proposal). The reimbursement follows actual costs. The moment's breakdown has a line of its own for unaccompanied minors, €65.2m in 2026, which is in the site's cost calculation. The line covers every form of their housing and support, so no national total for family group homes is published. Nor is the contract price the same as the realised cost per child, since the unit has been running below full occupancy.
Illegal stay and returns in FinlandSafety
Key figures
In 2025 Finland ordered 5,070 people to leave the country and recorded 1,915 returns. That is about two returns for every five orders.
The number of people found illegally present has fallen from 1,305 (2018) to 660 (2025), the lowest in the series.
When an asylum seeker receives a negative decision and has no other ground to stay, the right of residence ends and remaining in the country becomes illegal. Not everyone leaves. The Interior Ministry's own review of the asylum process states that returns fail to some countries of origin and that changes in the law have created a new group of people staying in Finland illegally. No statistic shows the size of the group, because nobody follows what happens to people whose application was refused.
In 2025 Finland ordered 5,070 people to leave and recorded 1,915 returns, about two returns for every five orders. The number of people found illegally present has fallen from 1,305 in 2018 to 660 in 2025, the lowest in the series. That figure, however, reflects what the authorities detected, not the size of the group.
Staying has also carried a financial incentive: until April 2019, when the permit requirement was written into the act on residence-based social security, a residence permit running out did not by itself end residence-based social security. How the group of people staying illegally came about is on the timeline from 2015 onwards, and the need for protection is covered under protection needs and recognition rates.
Details
Before April 2019 the right to residence-based social security was decided on permanent residence, and a valid residence permit was not required.
Urgent social assistance and urgent care remain available to everyone regardless of residence status.
Third-country nationals found illegally present · Finland 2014–2025
people
Found illegally present
What the figures measure
Three Eurostat series describe illegal stay in Finland, and they measure different things. This chart shows the people found illegally present. The other two series, orders to leave and returns, measure the decision and its execution.
The number found is what the authorities detected, not the number of people staying in the country, so it measures enforcement effort as well. An asylum application makes the stay lawful while it is processed, so some of those found become applicants and some are granted protection. The 2015 figure, 14,285, is the crisis year's arrivals rather than a count of people living here without permission.
Eurostat rounds these figures to the nearest five, and 2025 is the most recent year published.
Orders to leave and enforced returns · Finland 2008–2025
An order to leave does not mean a person leaves. The chart sets side by side how many third-country nationals in Finland were ordered to leave and how many actually left following an order.
People per year
Ordered to leaveReturned following an order
Details
Eurostat rounds the figures to the nearest five.
An order and a return do not concern the same people in the same year: processing and appeals run past the turn of the year, so the annual ratio is indicative rather than a completion rate.
Returns count both voluntary departure and removal enforced by the authorities. Assisted voluntary return was used by about 2,100 people in 2016 and about 1,400 in 2017. No statistics are published on interrupted returns.
The 2016 peak follows the decisions on the 2015 backlog of applications. The gap between orders and returns was then at its widest: 17,975 orders against 6,005 returns.
Terra 133(4) · Jussi S. Jauhiainen & Miriam Tedeschi, Turun yliopisto2021-12-16
Summary
According to researchers at the University of Turku, depending on the definition, about 4,000–5,000 people were staying in Finland unlawfully in 2019. The figure is the researchers' estimate, not a statistic. According to the book the same researchers published in 2021, the estimate rests on their own fieldwork and on consulting the authorities, the police, NGOs and other researchers. The group is broader than the people refused asylum. Most came to Finland lawfully as asylum seekers in 2015 and were refused, but the group also includes people who entered without permission and people who stayed on after a residence permit on other grounds expired. Other estimates have ranged from 3,000 to 10,000, and the highest also include people who stayed on after a visa expired. The article's survey reached 100 people staying in the country unlawfully, so it describes the respondents rather than the whole group.
Eurostat's return statistics for Finland. Orders to leave numbered 3 050 in 2021, 3 200 in 2022, 3 320 in 2023, 3 865 in 2024 and 5 070 in 2025. Returns recorded in the same years were 1 195, 1 170, 1 475, 1 340 and 1 915, a share of 35 to 44 per cent in recent years. Across the EU in 2025 there were 486 705 orders and 156 000 returns, about 32 per cent. A return can follow a decision from an earlier year, so the share is an approximation.
660 third-country nationals were found to be illegally present in Finland in 2025. The figure has fallen every year since 2022, when it was 1 190. In 2015 it was 14 285 and in 2016 only 2 130, which follows the crisis year's arrivals moving into the asylum process. The statistic counts each person once per year per country.
Migration and global povertyValues and attitudesEconomy
Humanitarian migration is often justified as a way of helping the world's worst-off. It does not, however, reach the world's poorest, and structurally cannot: for nearly all arrivals getting to Europe costs thousands of euros, which people living in extreme poverty cannot afford.
Those who leave are often among the most educated in their countries of origin, so migration drains human capital from precisely the countries that need it most. Remittances home are a larger income flow for source countries than development aid, but they go mostly to the consumption of the households that receive them, and they do not replace the capable people that development needs.
The scale is clearest in births. According to the UN World Population Prospects and Eurostat, about 7.6 million children were born in Nigeria in 2024, more than in the EU (3.5 million) and Russia (1.3 million) combined. The EU's annual asylum applications amount to only a small part of Nigeria's annual births, so migration cannot level a difference of this magnitude in either direction. How many applications lead to protection is under recognition rates, and what the journey costs under people smuggling.
Scale: poverty, forced displacement and EU asylum applications
The third bar is so low it is barely visible. That is the section's argument as a picture: the asylum system is sized to handle a margin, not to solve global poverty.
million people
Details
The bars are not subsets of one another. Someone in extreme poverty is usually not displaced, and a displaced person usually does not apply for asylum in the EU.
Extreme poverty is under 3.00 dollars a day at 2021 purchasing power parity.
An asylum application is not the same as a person: one person can apply in several countries.
The scale of asylum migration compared with world poverty
About 803,000 asylum applications were lodged in EU countries in 2025. That is about 0.1% of the world's roughly 838 million people living in extreme poverty. At the end of 2025 there were 117.8 million forcibly displaced people in the world, and European asylum channels reach only a fraction of them.
About 997,000 asylum applications were filed in the EU in 2024 (first-time ~912,000). Those two figures come from the Parliament's page. The comparisons come from elsewhere: about 838 million people live in extreme poverty worldwide (World Bank, figure for 2022) and 117.8 million are forcibly displaced (UNHCR Global Trends 2025). Set against those, the European asylum system reaches only a fraction of global need.
An overview of how extreme poverty has developed worldwide, by region and by country. The poverty line is 2.15 dollars a day at 2017 purchasing power parity. Extreme poverty is increasingly concentrated in sub-Saharan Africa. In 1990, 13% of the people living in extreme poverty lived there, and in 2022 an estimated 62%.
At the end of 2024 there were 123.2 million forcibly displaced people in the world. Most of them are not refugees. People displaced within their own country, internally displaced people, numbered 73.5 million. There were 31 million refugees under UNHCR's mandate, 8.4 million asylum seekers, 5.9 million Palestine refugees under UNRWA and 5.9 million other people in need of international protection. Of refugees and others in need of protection, 67% lived in a country neighbouring their own and 73% were hosted by low- and middle-income countries. The least developed countries hosted 23% of them. Relative to its population, Lebanon hosts the most refugees: 1 resident in 8 is a refugee. When Palestine refugees are counted, the share is 1 in 4 in Jordan and 1 in 5 in Lebanon. 3.1 million new individual asylum applications were lodged worldwide, most in the United States (729,100), followed by Egypt (433,900), Germany (229,800), Canada (174,000) and Spain (167,400). Note that relating one year's flow of applications to the whole stock of displaced people does not give a comparable ratio, and UNHCR does not present one. The scale does not change even if the flow is counted over a longer period. Ten years of 3.1 million applications a year would be 31 million, about a quarter of the stock of 123.2 million. Only some of these applications are lodged in Western countries.
In June 2025 the World Bank updated the international poverty line. The new extreme-poverty line is 3.00 dollars a day at 2021 purchasing power parity. It replaces the previous line of 2.15 dollars, which was based on 2017 purchasing power parity. On the new line about 838 million people lived in extreme poverty in 2022. The estimate is about 125 million higher than the previously reported 713 million.
According to the EU Asylum Agency's annual report, about 822,000 asylum applications were lodged in the EU countries, Norway and Switzerland (EU+) in 2025, 19% fewer than in 2024 and the lowest number since 2021. About 874,000 first-instance decisions were issued, with a sharp increase in rejections for nationals of countries whose recognition rate is below 20%. About 4.5 million people displaced from Ukraine were under temporary protection in the EU.
Opinion and politics
Immigration divides opinion. Although parties that have broadly supported and pursued immigration have won a substantial majority of votes in parliamentary elections, criticism of immigration is more common than immigration-critical parties themselves. An often-overlooked side of immigration is its political effects: voting behaviour among people of foreign background differs markedly from that of Finnish-background voters. Immigrants particularly favour parties that push for a more permissive immigration policy. The political effect is weakened by the fact that voter turnout among people of foreign background is markedly lower than among the native population.
Sections in this group and their figures
Public opinion on immigration60% of Finns feel that public debate does not dare to discuss the problems of immigration (2023).
Political effectThe most popular party among foreign-language speakers, by a wide margin, is the Social Democrats at nearly 50% (2025). A second poll (2026) reached the same result.
Public opinion on immigrationValues and attitudesSocial cohesion
Key figures
60% of Finns feel that public debate does not dare to discuss the problems of immigration (2023).
In 2023, 81% of Finns wanted Finland to actively recruit skilled foreign professionals, and 51% thought Finland takes in too many refugees. Both figures come from the same survey.
Attitudes vary by region of origin: 73% favoured immigration from other EU countries, 60% from the Middle East and 50% from Africa (2019).
Immigration policy is a political choice. Finnish attitudes toward immigration are divided: a majority wants stricter immigration policy and believes public debate avoids discussing the problems. At the same time, labour-based immigration is broadly supported. Who the people who have moved here vote for is under political effect.
Opinions on immigration · three figures
Three figures from the EVA values and attitudes survey of 2023. They do not point the same way, and that is a result rather than a contradiction: a majority think Finland takes too many refugees and a majority feel the problems cannot be discussed openly, yet four in five support recruiting educated professionals. In the same survey 55 % would make it easier for foreigners to move to Finland, the highest reading in 25 years of the series.
51%Think Finland takes too many refugees
60%Feel the problems of immigration cannot be discussed openly
81%Want Finland to actively recruit educated professionals
Details
Survey findings on attitudes, not a measure of behaviour or of policy.
Although Finland's Muslim population is growing, Finnish attitudes toward Muslims have remained essentially unchanged. According to researcher Hanna Salomäki, 'no habituation to Islam has occurred'.
Only about 25% held an at-least-fairly-positive view of Muslim women's hijab. Fewer than one in ten (under 10%) viewed the burqa positively.
Nearly 60% felt that everyone should be free to wear religious symbols.
More than a third (over 33%) viewed mosques fully or fairly negatively, the same share in 2015 and 2022.
Among under-30s, about one in three (33%) viewed mosques positively.
EVA Values and Attitudes Survey: immigration20236 findings
n=2,043 respondents, age 18–79, margin of error 2–3%
51% consider that Finland accepts too many refugees.
50% support tightening immigration policy.
60% feel that public debate does not dare to discuss the problems of immigration.
81% want Finland to actively recruit educated foreign professionals.
55% would support making it easier for foreigners to move to Finland. That is the highest figure in the 25-year measurement history.
40% assess that immigration harms Finland's economy.
KAKS / Kantar TNS: Finnish attitudes to immigration20194 findings
More than 1,100 respondents aged 18–79 in mainland Finland. The survey was commissioned by the Foundation for Municipal Development (KAKS) and the interviews were carried out by Kantar TNS. The results were reported by Yle News on 10 March 2019.
47% consider themselves pro-immigration and 41% critical of immigration.
50% want fewer asylum seekers in their own municipality, only 20% more.
75% support work-based immigration from the EU.
Attitudes vary by region of origin: 73% favoured immigration from other EU countries, 60% from the Middle East and 50% from Africa.
Political effectValues and attitudes
Key figures
The most popular party among foreign-language speakers, by a wide margin, is the Social Democrats at nearly 50% (2025). A second poll (2026) reached the same result.
Immigration eventually affects election results too, because some of those who move here gain the right to vote. The more arrivals there are, and the more uniformly the group votes, the larger that effect is. Foreign-language voters far more often support parties that advocate a more permissive immigration policy. What the population thinks about immigration is under public opinion.
Party preference of foreign-language speakers if elections were held now · Finland (Taloustutkimus 2025)
In a Taloustutkimus survey (2025) their most popular party was the Social Democrats (SDP) at nearly 50%, and Helsingin Sanomat's own Taloustutkimus poll (2026) reached the same result.
The shares are calculated from the 555 respondents who stated a preference. The sample was 1,232, so a little over half of those asked named no party at all. The shares therefore describe those who expressed a view, not all foreign-language speakers.
The survey was commissioned by Suomen Perusta, a think tank associated with the Finns Party. The margin of error is ±4.5 percentage points.
Political participation nevertheless remains markedly lower among people with a foreign background. The big question for Finland's political future is this group's support potential, should its turnout rise. The two observations have to be read together: there are relatively few voters, but those who do vote, vote in a concentrated way. The electoral effect is therefore clearly smaller at present than the support figure alone suggests, and it grows as both the number of eligible voters and turnout rise.
Voter turnout in the 2025 municipal elections by background · Finland
The turnout gap between Finnish- and foreign-background voters in the 2025 municipal elections was 33.0 percentage points.
The groups are Statistics Finland's own background categories (origin + language).
Party vote shares by the foreign-language share of the voting district · Vantaa, 2023 parliamentary election
The larger the share of foreign-language speakers among a Vantaa voting district's eligible voters, the larger the share of the vote that went to the Social Democrats (SDP) and the Left Alliance, and the smaller the share that went to the National Coalition. In districts where more than 20% of eligible voters were foreign-language speakers, the SDP took 34.0% of the valid votes and the Left Alliance 9.3%. In districts where fewer than 6% were, the shares were 20.2% and 4.3%. The National Coalition's share fell across the same bands from 31.5% to 12.2%, and turnout fell from 78.6% to 58.3%.
The figures describe voting districts, not individual voters. A district's foreign-language share does not tell who in the district voted for which party.
Foreign-language speakers are, by Statistics Finland's definition, those whose native language is not Finnish, Swedish or Sámi. The share is calculated from the district's eligible voters, not from all its residents. In parliamentary elections only Finnish citizens aged 18 or over may vote, and the district figures include only those living in Finland. Foreign-language speakers made up 9.5% of Vantaa's eligible voters, against 24.8% of all Vantaa residents at the end of 2022 (Statistics Finland, table 11rm).
Eligible voters and their voting districts are set by the Population Information System as it stood on the 51st day before election day. Statistics Finland links each voter's native language from its own individual-level data and does not state the reference date of the language information.
Statistics Finland publishes eligible voters' language by voting district only for the districts where the electronic voting register was used on election day. For Vantaa the figure is published for every voting district. It is not published for any residential voting district in Helsinki or Espoo, and those cities publish their residents' language by their own statistical areas, which are not the same as the voting districts. The chart therefore covers only Vantaa in the capital region.
A band's share is a party's votes in its districts divided by all valid votes in the same districts. The bands held, from lowest to highest, 17, 17, 9, 12, 7 and 5 voting districts, so the top band's figure rests on only five districts. The foreign-language share ranged from 3.5% (Piispankylä) to 30.3% (Estepuisto).
The Lummetie voting district is left out of the chart. It holds the Vantaa residents who are not recorded at any property in the Population Information System, and in 2023 also 6,871 eligible voters living abroad. The district does not describe a residential area. 1.4% of Vantaa's valid votes were cast there.
The Centre Party, the Swedish People's Party, the Christian Democrats and Movement Now each took less than 5% in every band, and they are not in the chart. Across Vantaa the National Coalition took 24.5% of the valid votes, the SDP 23.7%, the Finns Party 20.0%, the Greens 8.1% and the Left Alliance 6.0%.
The correlation across voting districts between the foreign-language share and a party's vote share was 0.78 for the SDP, 0.80 for the Left Alliance, 0.38 for the Finns Party, −0.46 for the Greens and −0.82 for the National Coalition. The correlations are calculated from the 67 voting districts without weighting.
Turnout is the number of voters living in Finland divided by the number of eligible voters living in Finland, rejected ballots included. From the lowest band to the highest it was 78.6, 75.1, 69.2, 65.6, 60.4 and 58.3%, and its correlation with the foreign-language share was −0.86. Across Vantaa 70.0% of the eligible voters living in Finland voted.
The district figures do not show whether foreign-language speakers voted less often than others. According to Statistics Finland's voting-register data, 35.6% of Vantaa's foreign-language eligible voters voted, against 73.6% of those speaking Finnish or Sámi. In the top band foreign-language speakers made up 23.9% of eligible voters but 13.8% of those who voted. This is this site's calculation from the voting-register data.
Party vote shares by the foreign-language share of the voting district · Vantaa, 2025 municipal elections
In the 2025 municipal elections the SDP took 44.5% of the valid votes and the Left Alliance 13.4% in the seven Vantaa voting districts where more than 40% of eligible voters were foreign-language speakers. In districts where fewer than 15% were, the shares were 25.5% and 6.5%. The National Coalition's share fell across the same bands from 32.8% to 11.5%, and turnout fell from 56.8% to 33.4%. The correlation across districts between the foreign-language share and the SDP's share was 0.84.
The figures describe voting districts, not individual voters. A district's foreign-language share does not tell who in the district voted for which party.
Foreign-language speakers are, by Statistics Finland's definition, those whose native language is not Finnish, Swedish or Sámi. The share is calculated from the district's eligible voters, not from all its residents. In municipal elections the vote belongs to citizens of Finland, other EU countries, Iceland and Norway aged 18 or over whose home municipality is Vantaa, and to other foreign nationals who have had a home municipality in Finland for two years. Foreign-language speakers made up 24.2% of Vantaa's eligible voters, against 28.7% of all Vantaa residents at the end of 2024 (Statistics Finland, table 11rm).
Eligible voters and their voting districts are set by the Population Information System as it stood on the 51st day before election day, which for the 2025 municipal elections was 21 February 2025. Statistics Finland links each voter's native language from its own individual-level data and does not state the reference date of the language information.
Statistics Finland publishes eligible voters' language by voting district only for the districts where the electronic voting register was used on election day. For Vantaa the figure is published for every voting district. It is not published for any voting district in Helsinki or Espoo, and those cities publish their residents' language by their own statistical areas, which are not the same as the voting districts. The chart therefore covers only Vantaa in the capital region.
A band's share is a party's votes in its districts divided by all valid votes in the same districts. The bands held, from lowest to highest, 21, 13, 13, 13 and 7 voting districts. The foreign-language share ranged from 9.1% (Ylästö) to 53.9% (Rastimäki), and in five districts more than half of eligible voters were foreign-language speakers.
The voting districts were the same as in the 2023 parliamentary election, but the bands differ, because the foreign-language share of eligible voters was much larger in the municipal elections. The two years therefore cannot be compared band by band.
The Lummetie voting district is left out of the chart. It holds the Vantaa residents who are not recorded at any property in the Population Information System. The district does not describe a residential area. 0.6% of Vantaa's valid votes were cast there.
The Centre Party, the Swedish People's Party, the Christian Democrats and Movement Now each took less than 5% in every band, and they are not in the chart. Across Vantaa the SDP took 30.5% of the valid votes, the National Coalition 25.7%, the Greens 13.3%, the Finns Party 9.7% and the Left Alliance 8.6%.
The correlation across voting districts between the foreign-language share and a party's vote share was 0.84 for the SDP, 0.83 for the Left Alliance, 0.11 for the Finns Party, −0.40 for the Greens and −0.84 for the National Coalition. The correlations are calculated from the 67 voting districts without weighting.
Turnout is the number of voters divided by the number of eligible voters, rejected ballots included. From the lowest band to the highest it was 56.8, 51.8, 43.3, 38.2 and 33.4%, and its correlation with the foreign-language share was −0.89. Across Vantaa 45.7% of eligible voters voted.
The district figures do not show whether foreign-language speakers voted less often than others. According to Statistics Finland's voting-register data, 19.3% of Vantaa's foreign-language eligible voters voted, against 54.6% of those speaking Finnish or Sámi. In the top band foreign-language speakers made up 48.4% of eligible voters but 26.7% of those who voted. This is this site's calculation from the voting-register data.
Statistics Finland (2025) – Eligible voters' language and the result by voting district, Vantaa, 2023 parliamentary election and 2025 municipal elections20257 findings
n=67 voting districts in Vantaa in each election, 161,063 eligible voters living in Finland (2023) and 190,699 eligible voters (2025)
Statistics Finland publishes the numbers of eligible voters and voters by language and origin for each voting district. The figures rest on its voting-register data, that is, on the entries made in the electronic voting register. Election-day data were obtained from the districts whose polling stations used the electronic register: for 49.1% of eligible voters in 2023 and 60.2% in 2025. For Vantaa the data were obtained from every voting district. From the Helsinki constituency they were obtained from one voting district in 2023 and from none in 2025.
In the 2023 parliamentary election Vantaa's 67 voting districts had 161,063 eligible voters living in Finland, of whom 15,340, or 9.5%, were foreign-language speakers. In the 2025 municipal elections there were 190,699 eligible voters, of whom 46,065, or 24.2%, were foreign-language speakers. In municipal elections citizens of other EU countries, Iceland and Norway, and other foreign nationals who have had a home municipality in Finland for two years, may also vote.
In the parliamentary election the SDP's share of the valid votes rose from 20.2% in districts where fewer than 6% of eligible voters were foreign-language speakers to 34.0% in districts where more than 20% were. In the municipal elections it rose from 25.5% in districts where fewer than 15% were to 44.5% in districts where more than 40% were. The National Coalition's share fell across the same bands from 31.5% to 12.2% and from 32.8% to 11.5%.
The correlation across voting districts between the foreign-language share and the SDP's share was 0.78 in 2023 and 0.84 in 2025. With the National Coalition's share the correlation was −0.82 and −0.84, and with turnout −0.86 and −0.89.
In the Rastimäki voting district 53.9% of eligible voters were foreign-language speakers in 2025, more than in any other district in Vantaa. The SDP took 48.7% of the valid votes there (378 / 776), the Left Alliance 14.9% and the National Coalition 7.9%, and turnout was 33.7%. In 2023 the district's foreign-language share was 26.2%, the SDP's share 37.7% and turnout 55.3%.
According to the voting-register data, 35.6% of Vantaa's foreign-language eligible voters voted in the 2023 parliamentary election and 19.3% in the 2025 municipal elections. Of those speaking Finnish or Sámi, 73.6% and 54.6% voted.
The figures describe areas, not the choices of individual voters. The numbers of voters in the voting-register data can differ slightly from the election results, because they rest on register entries rather than on ballots.
A survey carried out by Taloustutkimus for the think tank Suomen Perusta (May–July 2025, sample 1,232, of whom 555 or 45% stated a party preference). Support among foreign-language speakers split as follows: SDP 49.2%, National Coalition 12.3%, Left Alliance 11.6%, Swedish People's Party 7.8%, Greens 6.6%, Centre 5.0%, Finns Party 3.3%, Christian Democrats 2.3%, Movement Now 1.0%. Left-wing and immigration-friendly parties dominate. The publisher, Suomen Perusta, is the Finns Party's think tank, but the survey itself was conducted by Taloustutkimus, an established polling firm.
Helsingin Sanomat (kysely: Taloustutkimus)2026-07-20
Summary
A poll commissioned by Helsingin Sanomat from Taloustutkimus (July 2026): the SDP is the most popular party among foreign-language speakers too. 21% of all foreign-language speakers would vote SDP, rising to 45% among those who state a preference. The Greens were second at 7%. Of respondents, 29% could not name a preference, 17% declined to say, and 10% would not vote. Taloustutkimus managing director Jari Pajunen attributes the support to the SDP's campaign work and the government's immigration policy. The article frames immigrant-majority neighbourhoods as a potential vote reservoir for the SDP. This poll confirms the same picture as the earlier Suomen Perusta survey, and this time it was commissioned by a mainstream outlet, HS.
An HS follow-up to the July 2026 poll in which the SDP was clearly the most popular party among foreign-language voters. Taloustutkimus managing director Jari Pajunen judges that the government's strict immigration line has increased the party's support in this group. Tuomas Finne, executive director of the Helsinki SDP, stresses that this trust cannot be taken for granted. The piece is reported from Itäkeskus, where the party periodically runs a campaign tent. It is an explanatory feature rather than a new poll.
Sweden
After each Riksdag election, Statistics Sweden (SCB) publishes background figures on the eligible voters of every voting district, among them the share born abroad. Combined with the Swedish Election Authority's results by district, they show how an area's population and its result vary together.
Combined vote share of S, V, MP and C by the foreign-born share of the voting district · Sweden, Riksdag elections 2022 and 2026
The larger the share of a voting district's eligible voters who were born abroad, the larger the share of the vote that went to the Social Democrats (S), the Left Party (V), the Green Party (MP) and the Centre Party (C). In the 2026 election their combined share was 43.6% in districts where fewer than a tenth of eligible voters were born abroad, and 83.8% in districts where 70–80% were. The correlation across districts was 0.64, against 0.45 in 2022.
% of valid votes
Riksdag election 2022Riksdag election 2026
Details
The figures describe voting districts, not individual voters. A district's foreign-born share does not tell who in the district voted for which party.
The foreign-born share is SCB's figure for eligible voters registered as living in Sweden. Swedish citizens living abroad are included only in the count of eligible voters. Across the country 17.3% of these eligible voters were born abroad in 2026, and 15.9% in 2022.
A band's share is the S, V, MP and C votes in its districts divided by all valid votes in the same districts. In 2026 the bands held, from lowest to highest, 2,370, 2,231, 785, 339, 211, 159, 119, 91 and 7 voting districts. In 2022 they held 2,621, 2,160, 679, 285, 181, 140, 114, 75 and 9. The top band's figure therefore rests on only a few districts.
Early votes that arrive late are counted in municipal collection districts (uppsamlingsdistrikt), which cannot be assigned to voting districts. They held 5.3% of the votes cast in 2026 and 3.4% in 2022, and they are not in the chart. In the national result S, V, MP and C together took 49.6% in 2026 and 48.9% in 2022.
In Sweden the red-greens (de rödgröna) usually means S, V and MP. C is counted here as well, because it was not one of the Tidö agreement parties (M, KD, L and SD) but in opposition. Without C the differences are steeper: in 2026 the S, V and MP share rose from 35.5% in the lowest band to 86.9% in the highest, and the correlation was 0.71.
In 2022 Partiet Nyans took 10.3% of the vote in districts where 70–80% of eligible voters were born abroad. In 2026 its share in the same band was 0.3%.
Voting district boundaries changed between 2022 and 2026, so the years are compared band by band, not district by district.
Turnout by the foreign-born share of the voting district · Sweden, Riksdag elections 2022 and 2026
Turnout falls as the foreign-born share rises. In 2026 it was 84.0% in districts where fewer than a tenth of eligible voters were born abroad, and 61.1% in districts where 70–80% were. In 2022 the corresponding figures were 85.7% and 52.9%.
% of eligible voters
Riksdag election 2022Riksdag election 2026
Details
Turnout is the votes cast, blank and invalid ones included, divided by the number of eligible voters.
The votes of the collection districts are missing from the voting district figures, so turnout in the bands is slightly lower than it really was. National turnout was 84.9% in 2026 and 84.2% in 2022.
The correlation across voting districts between the foreign-born share and turnout was −0.74 in 2026 and −0.86 in 2022.
The figures describe areas. They do not show whether the foreign-born in a district voted less often than its other eligible voters.
Party choice by the voter's background · Sweden, Riksdag election 2026 (SVT's Valu exit poll)
Unlike the district figures, an exit poll describes the choices of individual voters. In SVT's Valu poll, voters who grew up outside Europe themselves, or had at least one parent who did, most often voted for the Social Democrats (37%) and the Left Party (21%). The combined share of S, V, MP and C was 68.4% among them, 52.9% among voters with a European background and 47.7% among voters with a Swedish background. In 2022 the corresponding shares were 67.7%, 50.9% and 47.2%.
% of the group's voters
Swedish backgroundEuropean backgroundNon-European background
Details
The groups are SVT's own, and they rest on what respondents report about where they and their parents grew up. Non-European background covers those who grew up outside Europe themselves or have at least one parent who did. European background is defined the same way, and Europe includes the other Nordic countries. According to the Valu researchers' book, a respondent is placed in the group furthest from Sweden, so in the Swedish-background group the respondent and their parents grew up in Sweden.
Valu is SVT's exit poll, carried out with researchers from KTH and the University of Gothenburg. Its polling stations are chosen deliberately, and the answers are weighted to the election result: the 2026 answers to the preliminary result and the 2022 answers to that year's result. According to SVT, older voters and manual workers are underrepresented in the poll, and younger voters and white-collar workers overrepresented.
The 2022 poll had 11,160 respondents. Of them 652 had a non-European background, 874 a European background and 8,632 a Swedish background (Holmberg, Näsman, Oscarsson and Pettersson 2025, Väljarna avgör, table A.16). SVT has not published the group sizes for 2026. According to SVT, the figures for small parties and small groups are less certain than those for large ones.
The party shares are the figures in SVT's chart, which SVT shows as whole percentages. The combined shares are this site's calculation from the unrounded figures behind SVT's chart, so they can differ by a percentage point from the sum of the rounded figures. SVT does not show the share of other parties, so a group's shares do not add up to 100.
S, V, MP and C are the same four parties as in the district chart. Without the Centre Party, the share of S, V and MP in 2026 was 64.2% among voters with a non-European background, 46.2% among those with a European background and 40.2% among those with a Swedish background.
The poll describes those who voted. It does not show what share of each group's eligible voters turned out.
SVT (2026) – Valu exit poll: party choice by the voter's background, Riksdag elections 2022 and 202620266 findings
Over 13,000 voters at 93 election-day polling stations and 68 early-voting locations (2026), 11,160 voters at 105 election-day polling stations and 55 early-voting locations (2022)
Valu is an exit poll that SVT has run since 1991. Voters fill in a form outside the polling station, and the 2026 form had 58 questions, among them where the respondent and their parents grew up. SVT published the results by background group on election night, 13 September 2026, and reweighted them to the preliminary result the next day.
In 2026, 37% of voters with a non-European background voted for the Social Democrats, 21% for the Left Party, 13% for the Moderates and 10% for the Sweden Democrats. Of voters with a Swedish background, 27% voted for the Social Democrats, 7% for the Left Party, 20% for the Moderates and 18% for the Sweden Democrats.
In 2022, 39% of voters with a non-European background voted for the Social Democrats, 17% for the Left Party, 12% for the Moderates and 12% for the Sweden Democrats. Among voters with a Swedish background the corresponding shares were 29%, 6%, 20% and 21%.
The combined share of S, V, MP and C among voters with a non-European background was 68.4% in 2026 and 67.7% in 2022. Among voters with a European background it was 52.9% and 50.9%, and among those with a Swedish background 47.7% and 47.2%. The combined shares are calculated from the figures in SVT's chart.
In the 2022 poll, 652 respondents had a non-European background and 874 a European background. According to the Valu researchers' book Väljarna avgör (2025), the group is small and its figures therefore uncertain, but the SOM Institute's surveys and the Swedish election studies confirm the results.
The poll describes those who voted. It does not show what share of each group's eligible voters turned out.
SCB and the Swedish Election Authority (2026) – Eligible voters' background and the result by voting district, Riksdag elections 2022 and 202620267 findings
n=6,312 voting districts (2026) and 6,264 (2022), 7.8 million eligible voters registered in Sweden
On 2 October 2026 SCB published an analysis tool with every voting district's result and its eligible voters' age, education, country of birth (Sweden or abroad) and income. The corresponding tool for the 2022 election came out on 10 October 2022. The votes used here are from the Swedish Election Authority's final count.
In 2026, 17.3% of the eligible voters registered in Sweden were born abroad, about 1.36 million. They made up at least half in 376 voting districts, and 5.7% of eligible voters lived in those districts.
The combined vote share of S, V, MP and C rose from 43.6% in districts where fewer than 10% of eligible voters were born abroad to 83.8% in districts where 70–80% were. The Sweden Democrats' (SD) share fell across the same bands from 20.0% to 6.6%.
The correlation across voting districts between the foreign-born share and the four parties' combined vote share was 0.64 in 2026 and 0.45 in 2022.
In the Rosengård centrum district of Malmö, 78.8% of eligible voters were born abroad in 2026. S, V, MP and C took 97.5% of the valid votes there (811 / 832), and turnout was 66.2%. In 2022 the district's foreign-born share was 82.0%, the four parties' share 65.4% and Partiet Nyans' share 28.1%.
Turnout was 84.0% in districts where fewer than 10% of eligible voters were born abroad, and 61.1% in districts where 70–80% were. In 2022 the corresponding figures were 85.7% and 52.9%.
The figures describe areas, not the choices of individual voters. Early votes that arrive late cannot be assigned to voting districts, so they are not in the district figures.
United Kingdom
The House of Commons Library publishes general election results by candidate and constituency. The Office for National Statistics (ONS) also publishes the religion figures of the 2021 census of England and Wales by 2024 constituency. Together they show how a constituency's population and its result vary together.
Combined vote share of independent candidates and the Workers Party of Britain by the Muslim share of the constituency · England and Wales, 2024 general election
The larger the share of a constituency's residents who are Muslim, the larger the share of the vote that went to independent candidates and the Workers Party of Britain. Their combined share was 1.0% in constituencies where fewer than 5% of residents are Muslim, and 33.2% in the 11 constituencies where more than 40% are.
% of valid votes
Details
The figures describe constituencies, not individual voters. A constituency's Muslim share does not tell who in the constituency voted for which candidate.
The Muslim share is calculated from all residents of the constituency, children and those without the vote included. Answering the census question on religion was voluntary, and according to the ONS 94.0% of residents answered it. Across England and Wales 6.5% of residents were Muslim.
A band's share is the votes of independent candidates and the Workers Party in its constituencies divided by all valid votes in the same constituencies. The bands held, from lowest to highest, 389, 75, 73, 16, 10 and 11 constituencies, so the two highest bands rest on only a few constituencies.
Independent candidates are those marked as independents in the House of Commons Library's data. Local parties with the word Independent in their name are not counted. England and Wales had 425 independent candidates, standing in 289 constituencies. The Workers Party of Britain had a candidate in 150 constituencies. A band's share therefore also depends on where candidates stood.
In the highest band independent candidates took 28.8% and the Workers Party 4.4%. In the 30–40% band the shares were 14.7% and 8.6%.
The 10–20% band includes Islington North, where 12.4% of residents are Muslim. Jeremy Corbyn, who has represented the constituency since 1983 and led the Labour Party from 2015 to 2020, won it there as an independent. Without Islington North the band's share would be 6.1% instead of 6.8%.
The Speaker's seat, Chorley, is left out because Labour, the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats did not stand a candidate there. Scotland and Northern Ireland are not included because the ONS census covers only England and Wales.
Across England and Wales independent candidates and the Workers Party together took 2.9% of the valid votes.
Labour's vote share by the Muslim share of the constituency · England and Wales, general elections 2019 and 2024
In the 2019 election Labour's share of the vote was larger the larger the share of a constituency's residents who were Muslim. It was 27.9% in constituencies where fewer than 5% of residents are Muslim, and 68.8% in those where more than 40% are. In 2024 the party's share rose to 31.6% in the lowest band but fell to 34.8% in the highest.
% of valid votes
General election 2019 (notional)General election 2024
Details
The 2019 figures are notional. Constituency boundaries changed before the 2024 election, and the BBC, ITV, Sky News and the Press Association commissioned estimates of what the 2019 result would have been in the new constituencies. The estimates for England and Wales were made by Rallings and Thrasher, and the House of Commons Library publishes them in its results data.
A band's share is Labour's votes in its constituencies divided by all valid votes in the same constituencies. Joint Labour and Co-operative Party candidates are included. The bands and constituencies are the same in both years.
Across England and Wales Labour took 34.3% in 2019 (notional) and 34.6% in 2024.
In Islington North the Labour candidate in 2019 was Jeremy Corbyn, who took 64.3% of the vote. In 2024 he stood as an independent. The constituency is in the 10–20% band.
The Speaker's seat, Chorley, is left out because Labour, the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats did not stand a candidate there in either year.
The figures describe constituencies. They do not show how the Muslims in a constituency voted.
House of Commons Library and ONS (2024) – The result and residents' religion by constituency, general elections 2019 and 202420249 findings
n=575 constituencies in England and Wales, of which the Speaker's seat is left out. 59.6 million people lived in these constituencies at the 2021 census
The House of Commons Library publishes the 2024 general election results by candidate and constituency, and the notional 2019 result in the same constituencies. The ONS publishes the religion figures of the 2021 census by 2024 constituency.
In the 2021 census 3.87 million, or 6.5% of the residents of England and Wales, said they were Muslim. More than 40% of residents were Muslim in 11 constituencies, and the highest share was in Bradford West, 58.7%.
The combined share of the valid votes taken by independent candidates and the Workers Party of Britain rose from 1.0% in constituencies where fewer than 5% of residents are Muslim to 33.2% in the 11 constituencies where more than 40% are. Labour's share in those 11 constituencies fell from 68.8% (2019, notional) to 34.8%.
Six independent MPs were elected in 2024. Five of them took their seats in England from Labour: Ayoub Khan in Birmingham Perry Barr (42.9% of residents Muslim), Adnan Hussain in Blackburn (46.8%), Iqbal Mohamed in Dewsbury and Batley (43.7%), Shockat Adam in Leicester South (34.8%) and Jeremy Corbyn in Islington North (12.4%). The sixth, Alex Easton, was elected in North Down in Northern Ireland.
Islington North differs from the other four. Jeremy Corbyn has represented the constituency since 1983, and he led the Labour Party and the Official Opposition from 2015 to 2020. From October 2020 he sat in Parliament as an independent. In 2019 he won the constituency as the Labour candidate with 64.3% of the vote. 12.4% of Islington North's residents are Muslim, against 34.8–46.8% in the other four constituencies.
The Workers Party of Britain stood 152 candidates, 150 of them in England and Wales, and won no seats. Across the United Kingdom it took 0.7% of the valid votes and independent candidates 2.0%.
Labour still won 32 of the 37 constituencies where more than 20% of residents are Muslim. In 2019 it notionally won 36 of them.
The correlation across constituencies between the Muslim share and the combined share of independent candidates and the Workers Party was 0.81. Between the Muslim share and the change in Labour's share from 2019 to 2024 it was −0.75.
The figures describe constituencies, not the choices of individual voters.
France
On polling day in each round of the 2022 presidential election, the polling firm Ifop asked registered voters whom they had voted for and what their religion was. The surveys were carried out for the newspaper La Croix.
Muslim voters' first-round vote by candidate · France, 2022 presidential election (Ifop)
In Ifop's polling-day survey, 69% of Muslims who voted for a candidate said they had voted for Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Among all voters he took 22.0% in the survey. Emmanuel Macron took 14% of the Muslim vote and Marine Le Pen 7%.
Ifop did not publish how many of the respondents were Muslim. The group's figures are therefore less certain than those of the whole sample. According to Ifop's own margin of error table, the 95% confidence interval of a 70% share is ±9.2 percentage points in a group of 100 respondents and ±6.5 points in a group of 200.
Religion is the respondent's own statement. The shares are calculated from the respondents who said they had voted for a candidate, so those who cast a blank vote or did not vote are not included. According to Ifop, 77% of Muslims voted, against 74.9% of all registered voters.
Respondents were selected by quotas (sex, age, occupation), and the sample was stratified by region and size of municipality. The survey covers metropolitan France aged 18 and over, so the overseas territories are not included.
The figures for all voters are from Ifop's table. In the result confirmed by the Constitutional Council turnout was 73.7%, and Macron took 27.8%, Le Pen 23.2% and Mélenchon 22.0% of the valid votes.
Ifop's table has a dash in the Muslim column for Nathalie Arthaud and Nicolas Dupont-Aignan. They show as zero in the chart.
Ifop (2022) – How religious groups voted in the presidential election20227 findings
First round: 3,784 registered voters (sample 4,066, metropolitan France), online survey on 10 April 2022. Second round: 4,827 registered voters (sample 5,086), online survey on 24 April 2022. The number of Muslim respondents was not published
Ifop carried out the survey for La Croix online on polling day of the first round, 10 April 2022, between 11:00 and 18:00. The respondents were 3,784 registered voters drawn from a sample of 4,066 representative of people aged 18 and over in metropolitan France.
According to Ifop, 77% of Muslims voted in the first round. In the survey 74.9% of all registered voters voted.
Of the Muslims who voted for a candidate, 69% voted for Jean-Luc Mélenchon, 14% for Emmanuel Macron and 7% for Marine Le Pen. No other candidate took more than 2%. Among all voters Mélenchon took 22.0% in the survey, Macron 27.5% and Le Pen 23.3%.
Mélenchon took 30% of the vote of those with no religion, 16% of Protestants and 14% of Catholics.
On polling day of the second round, 24 April 2022, Ifop carried out a corresponding survey for La Croix and Pèlerin. The respondents were 4,827 registered voters drawn from a sample of 5,086 representative of the French population aged 18 and over. 85% of Muslims voted for Macron and 15% for Le Pen. Among all voters 58% voted for Macron in the survey and 42% for Le Pen.
According to Ifop, 58% of Muslims voted in the second round, against 71.8% of all registered voters.
Ifop did not publish the number of Muslim respondents in either survey, so the precision of the Muslim figures cannot be assessed. The figures are survey estimates, not election statistics.
Netherlands
The Dutch Electoral Council (Kiesraad) publishes the results of elections to the House of Representatives (Tweede Kamer) by municipality, and Statistics Netherlands (CBS) publishes each municipality's population by country of origin. Together they show how support for the DENK party varies with the share of residents of Turkish or Moroccan origin.
DENK's vote share by the municipality's share of residents of Turkish or Moroccan origin · Netherlands, general elections 2023 and 2025
The larger the share of a municipality's residents who are of Turkish or Moroccan origin, the larger the share of the vote that went to DENK. In the 2025 election DENK took 0.4% of the vote in municipalities where fewer than 2% of residents were of Turkish or Moroccan origin, and 8.0% in the five municipalities where at least 12% were. Nationally DENK took 2.37% of the vote and three of the 150 seats in both 2023 and 2025. The correlation across municipalities was 0.97 in both elections.
% of valid votes
General election 2023General election 2025
Details
The figures describe municipalities, not individual voters. A municipality's share of residents of Turkish or Moroccan origin does not tell who in the municipality voted for DENK.
Origin follows CBS's country-of-origin classification (herkomstland), which has replaced the earlier migration-background classification (migratieachtergrond). For a person born abroad, the country of origin is their own country of birth. For a person born in the Netherlands, it is the mother's country of birth or, if the mother was born in the Netherlands, the father's. The classification therefore covers immigrants and their children born in the Netherlands, but not the third generation.
The share is calculated from all of a municipality's residents on 1 January of the election year, so it includes children and foreign nationals. In general elections only Dutch citizens aged 18 or over may vote. Across the country 4.9% of residents were of Turkish or Moroccan origin in 2023, and 5.0% in 2025.
A band's share is the DENK votes in its municipalities divided by all valid votes in the same municipalities. In 2023 the bands held, from lowest to highest, 202, 75, 22, 26, 6, 6 and 5 municipalities. In 2025 they held 195, 80, 24, 26, 6, 6 and 5. The top band holds Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague, Utrecht and Schiedam in both years. About 40% of the municipal DENK votes and 12% of all valid votes were cast there. The largest share of residents of Turkish or Moroccan origin was in Rotterdam, at 14.3%.
The votes of voters living abroad form a separate area in the results, which cannot be assigned to municipalities. They made up 0.7% of valid votes in 2023 and 0.8% in 2025. They are not in the chart, and neither are the votes of the Caribbean Netherlands.
The Kiesraad also publishes results by polling station, but a voter can vote at any polling station in their municipality. A polling station's result therefore does not describe a particular neighbourhood, and the comparison is made by municipality.
Kiesraad and CBS (2025) – DENK's vote and the share of residents of Turkish or Moroccan origin by municipality, general elections 2023 and 202520256 findings
n=342 municipalities in each election, 10.4 million valid votes (2023) and 10.6 million (2025)
DENK is a party founded on 9 February 2015 by the MPs Tunahan Kuzu and Selçuk Öztürk. They had left the Labour Party (PvdA) parliamentary group in November 2014 over a disagreement on integration policy. According to the University of Groningen's Documentation Centre for Dutch Political Parties (DNPP), DENK aimed its programme mainly, though not exclusively, at voters with a migration background.
Nationally DENK received 246,765 votes (2.37%) in the election of 22 November 2023 and 250,368 votes (2.37%) in the election of 29 October 2025. In both elections it won three of the 150 seats.
At the start of 2023, according to CBS, 444,329 people of Turkish origin and 425,034 of Moroccan origin lived in the Netherlands, together 4.9% of residents. At the start of 2025 there were 468,726 and 433,337 of them, or 5.0% of residents.
DENK's share of the vote rose from 0.5% in municipalities where fewer than 2% of residents were of Turkish or Moroccan origin to 8.1% in municipalities where at least 12% were. In 2025 the corresponding shares were 0.4% and 8.0%. The correlation across municipalities was 0.97 in both elections.
In 2025 DENK took 9.9% of the vote in Schiedam, 9.4% in Rotterdam, 8.8% in The Hague, 7.4% in Amsterdam and 6.0% in Utrecht. Between 12.6% and 14.3% of these municipalities' residents were of Turkish or Moroccan origin.
The figures describe municipalities, not the choices of individual voters. The votes of voters living abroad cannot be assigned to municipalities, so they are not in the municipal figures.
Norway
After Storting elections, Statistics Norway (SSB) reports how immigrants and their Norwegian-born children voted. For the 2025 election, turnout is counted from the electoral rolls for every eligible voter, and party choice comes from SSB's election survey.
Party choice by the voter's immigrant background · Norway, Storting election 2025 (SSB's election survey)
According to the election survey, 33.9% of immigrants voted for the Labour Party (Ap) and 19.2% for the Progress Party (Frp). Of immigrants born in Africa, 58.4% voted for the Labour Party, 15.9% for the Socialist Left Party (SV) and 3.2% for the Progress Party. Of immigrants born in Asia, 35.8% voted for the Labour Party and 18.7% for the Progress Party. Of the Norwegian-born children of immigrants, 20.1% voted for the Socialist Left Party, 10.6% for the Red Party (Rødt) and 12.1% for the Progress Party. Of those whose parents were both born in Norway, 24.7% voted for the Progress Party. Turnout was 56% among immigrants, 60% among the Norwegian-born children of immigrants and 83% among other eligible voters.
% of the group's voters
Norwegian-born to Norwegian-born parentsImmigrantsImmigrants born in AfricaImmigrants born in AsiaNorwegian-born children of immigrants
Details
The groups are SSB's own. Immigrants are people born abroad whose parents and all four grandparents were born abroad. The Norwegian-born children of immigrants have both parents and all four grandparents born abroad. An immigrant's region of birth is that of their own country of birth. SSB reports those with one parent born abroad separately, and they are not in the chart.
In Storting elections the vote belongs to Norwegian citizens who turn 18 by the end of the election year and have at some point been registered as resident in Norway. The immigrants in the chart have therefore all become Norwegian citizens. Of the eligible voters, 9.6% were immigrants and 1.9% Norwegian-born children of immigrants.
Party choice comes from SSB's election survey (Velgerundersøkelsen 2025). A representative sample of 10,750 voters answered it, and the response rate among those who voted was 52%. The survey also had an additional sample of 2,300 voters with an immigrant background. The answers are weighted by sex, age, voting, education, immigrant category and country group, and calibrated to the parties' election result. SSB updated whether each respondent voted from the register.
Of the immigrants in the table, 222 were born in Africa and 601 in Asia. According to SSB, besides sampling error the results can be biased by non-response and measurement error, which are hard to calculate. SSB therefore advises against giving weight to small differences.
The chart leaves out the share of other parties, which in the chart's order of groups was 4.3, 5.1, 1.3, 4.1 and 4.8%. A group's shares therefore do not add up to 100. In the national result the Labour Party took 28.0%, the Progress Party 23.8% and the Conservative Party 14.6% of the vote.
Turnout is not a survey result. SSB has a register of whether every eligible voter voted in the 2021 and 2025 elections. The register rests on the electoral rolls, on which each voter is marked before casting the vote, and which the municipalities report through the election administration system EVA. Other eligible voters also include the Norwegian-born with one parent born abroad and the foreign-born with at least one parent born in Norway. Turnout was 80.0% among all eligible voters, 51% among immigrants born in Africa and 53% among immigrants born in Asia.
In the 2021 election, 39.2% of immigrants voted for the Labour Party and 10.0% for the Progress Party. Of the Norwegian-born children of immigrants, 4.9% voted for the Progress Party (SSB, table 3.3).
The party shares are shares of the group's voters, not of all its eligible voters.
Statistics Norway (2026) – Immigrants and their Norwegian-born children in the 2025 Storting election20269 findings
Turnout: SSB's register of all 4,059,200 eligible voters. Party choice: SSB's election survey, a representative sample of 10,750 voters and an additional sample of 2,300 voters with an immigrant background. The party choice table has 1,630 immigrants and 1,238 Norwegian-born children of immigrants.
SSB's report (Øyvin Kleven, Rapporter 2026/3, published 5 February 2026) brings together the eligible voters, turnout, party choice and representatives of the 2025 Storting election by immigrant background. Turnout comes from a register and party choice from SSB's election survey.
There were 4,059,200 eligible voters. Of them 391,040, or 9.6%, were immigrants and 75,860, or 1.9%, Norwegian-born children of immigrants. In 2021 the shares were 7.4% and 1.5%.
Turnout was 56% among immigrants, 60% among the Norwegian-born children of immigrants and 83% among other eligible voters. In 2021 the figures were 50%, 52% and 80%.
According to SSB, the turnout gap between immigrants and other eligible voters narrows but does not disappear when age, sex, education and labour market status are held equal. For immigrants born in Asia the gap narrows from about 30 percentage points to 24, and for those born in Africa from 33 points to 23.
Of immigrants, 33.9% voted for the Labour Party, 19.2% for the Progress Party, 12.1% for the Conservative Party and 10.6% for the Socialist Left Party. In 2021 the Labour Party's share was 39.2% and the Progress Party's 10.0%.
Of immigrants born in Africa, 58.4% voted for the Labour Party, 15.9% for the Socialist Left Party and 3.2% for the Progress Party. Of immigrants born in Asia, 35.8% voted for the Labour Party and 18.7% for the Progress Party. Of immigrants born in the countries that joined the EU after 2004, 41.7% voted for the Progress Party.
Of the Norwegian-born children of immigrants, 27.7% voted for the Labour Party, 20.1% for the Socialist Left Party, 12.1% for the Progress Party and 10.6% for the Red Party. Of those whose parents were both born in Norway, 27.9% voted for the Labour Party and 24.7% for the Progress Party.
Of the 169 representatives elected, 6 were immigrants and 5 Norwegian-born children of immigrants.
The survey answers are weighted and calibrated to the parties' election result. According to SSB, besides sampling error the results can be biased by non-response and measurement error, so small differences should not be given weight.
History
Public debate on immigration has produced target figures and promises. Some of them can now be checked: the target year has arrived, or the number demanded has been reached.
This part collects the claims as they were stated and places the measured outcome beside them. The point is not to catch individual speakers out but to look at what followed from the targets. It opens with a map that shows, one year at a time, which countries people moved to Finland from and on what grounds.
Where people have moved to Finland from
In 1990, 1,186 foreign-born people moved to Finland. The largest origins were Sweden with 372 and the former Soviet Union with 341, and the third largest, Germany, sent 36 people. In 2024 the figure was 56,110, forty-seven times as many, led by the former Soviet Union with 8,048, Ukraine with 7,200 and the Philippines with 3,706.
The map shows this one year at a time. The thickness of an arc is the number of people who moved to Finland, the thin arc in the other direction is the people who moved from Finland to that country, and the colour says which grounds were the most common among that country's applicants that year.
The balance of grounds shifts more within a decade than the totals suggest. In 2015, 31,707 people applied for international protection and 5,976 on the basis of work. In 2019 work was the largest ground with 11,813 applications. In 2024 the largest was family with 22,267, and in 2025 work-based applications were down to 10,752 against 22,592 family-based ones.
Details
A line's thickness compares countries within one year. The reference is that year's largest movement, so a thickness cannot be read across two years and the year's own figures sit beside the map instead.
The grounds filter changes the measure. With a ground picked, an arc is the number of applications to the Finnish Immigration Service rather than registered migration from Statistics Finland, the years narrow to 2015–2025, and the outbound arcs go, because nobody files an application in order to leave.
The thickness of an arc and its colour come from different sources. The thickness is registered migration by country of birth from Statistics Finland, the colour is applications by citizenship from the Finnish Immigration Service. Country of birth and citizenship are different classifications, so the two halves of one arc do not describe exactly the same group of people.
Grounds are available from 2015. For earlier years the arcs carry a single colour, because the grounds were not published rather than because they are unknown.
Citizens of EU and EEA countries and of Switzerland need no residence permit, so they generate no applications. Those countries' arcs are coloured for free movement rather than left without a colour.
The international protection and temporary protection figures are applications rather than permits granted. The map shows them as separate classes, because temporary protection is the status of people who fled Ukraine from 2022 on, not asylum. Applications always outnumber the people who stay.
The map covers the foreign-born. Finnish-born people returning from abroad do not appear, although in the 1990s they were a large share of all immigration.
The former Soviet Union, the former Yugoslavia, former Serbia and Montenegro and former Czechoslovakia are classes of the classification rather than current states. People born before the break-up are recorded under them, and on the map the arc leaves from the territory that state used to cover.
The map draws each year's 42 largest movements among countries with at least 60 moves. Smaller ones are left undrawn so that the large ones stay legible.
The thickness of the map's arcs comes from this table: immigration and emigration by country of birth, whole country, from 1990 onwards. It covers every registered move, including those by EU citizens, who do not appear in residence permit statistics.
The map's colours come from this source: first residence permit applications on work, family and study grounds, plus asylum and temporary protection applications, by citizenship from 2015 onwards. The figures are applications lodged.
Year by year
Below is the history of immigration to Finland one year at a time, from the year Finland acceded to the Refugee Convention. Each year carries its own figures and what was said about the arrivals at the time. The quotations are verbatim and each has its source beside it.
The emphasis is on speech. How presidents, ministers, party papers and letter-writers talked about arrivals has varied more than the numbers have, and often in the opposite direction. What is known about the same subjects today is collected in the knowledge base.
1968
Law
Finland acceded to the Geneva Refugee Convention. The implementing decrees were issued on 5 December 1968.
A military junta seized power in Chile on 11 September 1973 and the first asylum seeker soon arrived at Finland's legation in Santiago. Finland took a group of one hundred.
By the end of 1975 Finland had received 151 refugees, of whom 32 to 42 had already moved on. The Chilean group stood at 118 in March, 92 of them Chilean citizens.
On 3 September 1976 the Ministry of the Interior appointed a committee to prepare a reform of aliens legislation. Finland had no Aliens Act, only the decree of 1958.
It would be more sensible to consider the forms and extent of financial aid than to daydream about bringing boat people to Finland. The number of refugees Finland could place would in any case be so small that it would make no difference to the refugee problem.
The governing party's paper rejected taking boat people. Five days later, after the government decided to take a hundred, the same paper wrote: "Now that this road has been taken..."
The cabinet's foreign affairs committee refused the UN's request to take boat people on 21 June 1979 and decided on 4 July to take a hundred. The first arrived in the autumn.
Finland's first Aliens Act (400/1983) was passed on 26 April 1983 and entered into force on 1 March 1984. Its decree was late, so March 1984 ran without one.
At the end of the year the cabinet's foreign affairs committee decided in principle to take about a hundred new refugees a year. This is the origin of the refugee quota. That same year the government had admitted nine refugees and ten family members.
In March 1986 Ilta-Sanomat measured support for relaxing immigration policy. It stood at 15 per cent of citizens. The Immigration Service's own history uses the figure to show that four years earlier, in the 1982 uproar over the turning back of a Salvadoran priest, public opinion had been measured "only in the corridors of parliament and among journalists". Between what the politicians said and what the public thought there was a considerable gap.
There are 12 to 15 million refugees in the world. Let us use the larger figure. The Finnish people are one per mille of the world's population. Our responsibility would then be one per mille, that is 15,000 refugees. [...] Those would be the limits, 15,000 to 75,000, depending on the point of comparison.
An interview in Helsingin Sanomat's monthly supplement. According to the book, Sorsa meant directing development aid to UNHCR for 15,000 refugees, but the statement was at once read as a demand for 15,000 quota refugees a year.
It is quite possible that our population will not develop the way many consider desirable. We once had a debate that labour should be brought into this country, and it met a lot of resistance then. It is quite possible that this is the very same phenomenon under a slightly different name. And it is quite possible that it would be to our advantage to take in people of an advantageous age.
An A-studio interview. According to the book it irritated the Swedish People's Party's papers and MPs, who held that fitness for work should not be a criterion in selecting refugees.
The first wave of Magdalena Jaakkola's series of attitude surveys. Of the respondents 41 per cent would have admitted more refugees than Finland was taking. The series put the same questions five times up to 2007, and this was its most receptive reading on refugees.
Magdalena Jaakkola's partial study came out in early October 1987, from interviews made between May and July. It overturned myths: Finns related to foreigners "considerably more positively than has been presented in the media". The most hospitable were highly educated Swedish-speaking young women, and sympathy depended on where the arrival came from. The most interesting finding was a collective misperception: most Finns believed others to be more prejudiced than they actually were.
Helsingin Sanomat counted the letters its own readers sent in the summer of 1987. Half of the writers opposed refugees coming to Finland, a smaller group supported them and some took no clear view. The writer of the summary could find no arguments among the opposing majority beyond unemployment, the housing shortage and safety. In the autumn twice as many letters arrived, of which the paper published a third.
The starting point has been that the Ingrians are Finns. Their forefathers were moved to that region under Swedish rule and they have been through a great deal there. It can be compared to return migration. No decisions have been made in this sense regarding other Finnic peoples.
An interview with the foreign correspondents' association. According to the book it took the Aliens Office by surprise and was read as an order to proceed. The return migration of Ingrian Finns began here.
Somali asylum seekers began arriving via the Soviet Union. Almost 200 came through Vainikkala on 26–28 November 1990, and 230 by train on 30 December. From the start of the year to November the arrivals numbered about 1,500.
The Somalis should be stopped at the border. Take down their names and promise to consider. State that the Soviet Union is a safe country. If someone disagrees, then we argue. If these are not stopped, how would any others be.
From Koivisto's own memoirs. On 30 November 1990 the Holkeri government prepared a decision under which arrivals via the Soviet Union could have been turned back at the border. Prime Minister Holkeri opposed it and the decision was never used. A form often repeated in public, in which Koivisto is said to have spoken of shooting the arrivals, appears in none of these sources.
The height of it was when Somalis arrived from Leningrad on a Finnish bus and at the border it was merely noted: right, refugees, fine. Off to Lahti. Not even the names were taken down.
Two expressions from the speech. According to the book Ilaskivi meant the Somalis and the Finns who granted residence permits and social security too readily. The speech won him popularity that did not carry the 1994 presidential election.
EVA's autumn 1990 measurement (n = 2,426) is the oldest run of immigration questions it has. Two figures give the setting of the time. The claim that it is "better to pay Finns to have children than to increase refugee immigration" was accepted by 69 per cent and rejected by 17. The claim that "the growing labour shortage can only be solved with foreign labour" was accepted by 14 per cent and rejected by 68.
199113,118 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 5,833
It wears on me that there is some elite telling the people what to think..., that one should somehow grovel before other people.
An Ilta-Sanomat interview. According to the book the press pressed Koivisto six times in January 1991 to condemn popular hostility to foreigners, and he repeated that he had seen no evidence of such an attitude.
There is a great deal of sanctimony here that the border must not be closed. Anyone who sets foot across the border and says I request asylum should be taken in, in this world situation. [...] And what if large numbers really do start moving from there? It would be far better to support their efforts rather than hinder them, so that no new migration of peoples takes place.
The reformed Aliens Act (378/1991) entered into force on 1 March 1991. The Ombudsman for Aliens and the Asylum Board began the same day. Reception centres were put on a statutory footing on 31 December 1991.
199210,182 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 4,053
Event
Refugees from the wars of Yugoslavia's break-up began arriving at the start of the year, mostly Kosovo Albanians. In June the Aliens Centre took part for the first time in selecting quota refugees, in Turkey, from where Iraqi and Iranian Kurds came. The last Vietnamese boat refugees were selected in August.
The image of a closed society and an isolated people is largely a myth of the post-war era.
The article was written in the middle of the first Somali arrivals and the recession. According to it Finland probably had over 40,000 foreigners in 1914 and 24,451 at the end of 1920, and before the Second World War more foreigners lived in Finland than in Sweden. At the end of 1991 there were 37,579 foreign citizens.
199310,768 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,613
Law
An act (14/1993) provided for exceptional handling of certain Yugoslav citizens' asylum applications. On humanitarian grounds Finland took patients from Sarajevo's hospital with their companions, 111 at once and 140 more in 1994.
The second wave of the series, at the bottom of the recession. Only 20 per cent would now have admitted more refugees, and six in ten would have admitted fewer foreign job-seekers than Finland was taking. The six-year fall on the refugee question was 21 percentage points.
EVA's spring 1993 measurement (n = 2,367) asked whether respondents believed racism and xenophobia would rise in Finland over the following ten years. It was thought likely by 65 per cent. In the same measurement 61 per cent held that capable Finns moving abroad is a bigger problem for Finland than foreigners arriving.
19947,747 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,149
Figure
There were 839 asylum seekers, against 3,634 two years earlier. The government later noted: "In 1994 to 1997 fewer than 1,000 asylum seekers a year arrived." There were 3,538 Somali citizens living in Finland at the end of the year, against 1,882 in 1992.
The number of Somalis grew throughout the decade even though few asylum seekers arrived. The growth came from family reunification and births, not from new applicants.
The refugee quota had been 500 since 1989. For 1995 and 1996 an additional quota of 500 refugees from the former Yugoslavia was confirmed, so the quota was 1,000 in those years. In practice 221 quota refugees were received in 1995 and 817 in 1996.
The quota went unfilled almost every year. In 1997 it returned to 500.
The Joensuu skinheads came to national attention when Darryl Parker, the American signing of the Kataja basketball team, left the city after skinheads attacked him. In November 15 skinheads were charged with assaulting and threatening Somalis.
Yle wrote in 2023 that the skinhead problem only reached the public then, although the violence had gone on for years.
19967,909 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,132
Figure
There were 711 asylum seekers, the fewest of the decade. According to the Ministry of Labour, immigrants' unemployment rate at the end of the year averaged 47 per cent. For Bosnians it was 92, for Iraqis 89, for Vietnamese 76 and for Somalis 75 per cent.
The figures are from the 1998 integration bill, which used them to justify the law. They are the baseline against which later employment figures can be read.
19978,444 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,402
Figure
In 1997 the Directorate of Immigration decided 742 asylum cases. Four people were granted asylum, 16 a residence permit on grounds of need for protection and 231 on humanitarian grounds. In 1995 to 1998 asylum in the strict sense was granted to 4, 11, 4 and 7 applicants a year.
The figures are from the table in the government's 2002 Aliens Act bill. They show that in the late 1990s people stayed almost entirely on humanitarian permits, not on refugee status.
On 16 October 1997 the government adopted its immigration and refugee policy programme, the first of its kind. According to it "quickly adopting the language and the rules of society is a precondition for succeeding in Finland". The programme proposed raising the refugee quota by one hundred a year up to a quota of one thousand.
The quota was still 500 in 1997. In 2019 Rinne's government promised to raise it to at least 850, and in 2023 it was 1,050. In June of that year the next government cut it to 500.
19988,568 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,550
Figure
The government submitted the integration bill. According to it "at the end of 1997 about 80,600 people, about 1.5 per cent of Finland's population, were foreign citizens. The corresponding figure at the start of 1990 was about 0.4 per cent." The refugee population was about 15,500. Those who had come through the work permit procedure were estimated at under 10,000.
The 1998 budget had provided for 600 quota refugees and 500 family members. In the event 308 quota refugees were received.
The same bill admitted the problems of reception: "The average length of accommodation is over a year." About one asylum seeker in ten was detained, and detention took place in facilities intended for criminal suspects, "although under international agreements this should not be done".
In December 1997 there were 11 reception centres with 1,250 places. In 2015 there were eventually about 140 centres. What reception costs today is collected under the costs of reception.
19998,167 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,057
Law
The Act on the Integration of Immigrants and Reception of Asylum Seekers (493/1999) entered into force on 1 May 1999. Integration had a law of its own for the first time.
The act tied support to obligations. For the first three years labour market support was paid only as integration support, and the basic amount of income support could be cut by 20 per cent if an immigrant refused an integration plan, and by 40 per cent for repeated refusal. That structure is still the basis of integration support. What integration costs and how far it reaches is under the cost of integration.
On 23 April 1999 Finland announced it would receive a thousand evacuees from Kosovo within two weeks. Five hundred came in the first week, 164 of them to the Joutseno reception centre. According to the Ministry of Labour some of the arrivals were in poor health.
The UN refugee agency put the reception request to Finland the same day. The same spring also brought Finland more than a thousand asylum applications from Slovak Roma.
There were 4,410 Somali citizens living in Finland at the end of the year, almost a thousand fewer than a year earlier. Somali speakers, however, numbered 6,251, more than ever. The gap is explained by 1,208 Somalis receiving Finnish citizenship this year and 476 the year before, as the first arrivals of the early 1990s met the residence requirement.
From here on the citizenship statistics show a different picture from the language statistics. Every later claim about the number of Somalis depends on which figure is used.
In July 1999 Finland imposed a visa requirement on Slovak citizens after about 1,100 asylum applications from Roma from that country. Yle reported on 8 July 1999 that dozens were already returning home.
There were 1,516 Slovak applicants in 1999. In 2001 there were 88. The visa requirement lapsed when Slovakia joined the EU on 1 May 2004.
EVA's long population question begins in spring 1999, and it begins at the floor of its own series. The claim that an ageing and shrinking population requires making it easier for foreigners to move here was accepted by 18 per cent and rejected by 61. It is from this level that the 29-point shift EVA referred to in 2021 is measured.
20009,466 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,270
Law
An accelerated asylum procedure was enacted in the summer of 2000. An application from a safe country of origin had to be decided within seven days. The bill recorded that 3,106 asylum applications were made in 1999, of which 1,516 came from Slovakia, and that 29 people were granted asylum.
In 2001 there were 88 applicants from Slovakia and three from Poland. The 2003 Aliens Act bill concluded that the law's aim had been well achieved.
Our historical ethnic minorities and immigrants bring Finland language skills, cultural competence and other resources that we have so far learned to use for the common good only on a very small scale. Reporting that makes it possible to condemn a whole ethnic group, or to brand all immigrants as criminals and benefit abusers, must always be avoided.
A speech at the European Cultural Foundation seminar on immigrants between two cultures, a year after the Slovak Roma asylum row. In the same speech the president noted that the foreign-citizen share of 1.8 per cent was the lowest in Western Europe.
200111,200 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,439
Figure
Statistics Finland's population projection of 1 October 2001 stated: "Annual net migration has been assumed at 5,000 people." It projected the population to grow until 2023 and to decline after that.
Realized net migration in 2001 was 5,802 and exceeded the assumption every year after that. From 2007 on it was more than double the assumption. The assumption applied to the whole projection period, not to a single year.
The transitional periods must be flexible, and their possible shortening can be considered on a tripartite basis in due course.
A transitional period meant the right to keep workers from the new EU countries out of the labour market for up to seven years after accession. Finland applied one when Estonia and Poland joined in 2004 and dropped it on 1 May 2006. SAK backed the restriction but warned that it is circumvented by sending workers as service providers. That was exactly the reason the Minister of Labour Filatov gave five years later for abandoning it.
A society growing multicultural is a richness and an opportunity. It requires tolerance and openness to interaction. New cultures need not take anything away from Finnishness, they can widen the room to live and act.
A speech at the Academy of Finland seminar on Finland in a multicultural world, two weeks after the 11 September attacks. The president observed that although the shrinking labour force had put the need for immigrants on the agenda, they were still felt to be a threat.
200210,224 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,055
Law
On 1 November 2002 the government submitted a bill for a new Nationality Act. Under it "a Finnish citizen would retain their citizenship even if they acquired the citizenship of a foreign state by application or in a comparable way". At the same time naturalisation would as a rule require six years of residence instead of the previous five.
The bill noted that it had earlier been thought undesirable for Finland to acquire minorities holding the citizenship of two states. The act took effect on 1 June 2003. There were 18,041 dual citizens at the end of 2002 and 197,944 at the end of 2025. The residence period was cut to five years in 2011 and raised to eight in 2024.
On 20 December 2002 Paavo Lipponen's second government submitted a bill for a complete reform of the Aliens Act. Its justification stated: "The number of foreigners residing in Finland has risen in ten years from about 25,000 at the start of the 1990s to over 100,000." Long processing times were described as a problem that showed up in complaints to the Parliamentary Ombudsman.
The bill lapsed when parliament ended its work before the March 2003 election. The next government resubmitted it in June 2003, and the act took effect on 1 May 2004. Parliament had called for the complete reform as early as 1998.
Interior Minister Ville Itälä is pressing for an official immigration policy to be created for Finland. According to Itälä, who spoke at the Council of Europe ministerial meeting on Monday, foreign labour will be needed in the care sector within the next few years.
Yle's report from the Council of Europe migration ministers' meeting in Helsinki. In the same report Johannes Koroma of the employers' confederation TT said it was high time to decide on Finland's immigration policy. The new Aliens Act was being drafted.
200310,069 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 1,655
Law
The programme of Matti Vanhanen's first government of 24 June 2003 promised: "Where the dependency ratio so requires, the government will promote a work-based immigration policy." It also promised a flexible transitional period at EU enlargement and a separate immigration policy programme.
All three were delivered on schedule: the Aliens Act 301/2004, the transitional act 309/2004 and the immigration policy programme of 19 October 2006. How the ground for entry shows in employment two decades later is under grounds for entry.
Statistics Finland reported on the Ministry of Labour's Työvoima 2020 forecast in September 2003: "When the labour outflow exceeds the inflow to the labour market by a good 10,000 people a year at the end of this decade, the annual difference rises to nearly 20,000 in the next decade."
The same article warned: "There is a risk that we will have a large number of unemployed people and a large labour shortage at the same time." The working-age population began to fall around 2010, but after the 2009 recession unemployment did not fall durably and the labour shortage was widely discussed only in the 2020s.
Finland cannot have an immigrant and migration policy that departs from our population policy. These must be woven into our general population policy.
The party won three seats. Its leading vote-getter Tony Halme took 16,390 votes in Helsinki, five times what the party chair Timo Soini had guessed before the election.
Immigrants are a richness for Finland. Finland needs a clear immigration policy that separates refuge from work-based immigration.
The programme for the March 2003 parliamentary election. It called for work-based immigration to be made easier. The government's bill for a new Aliens Act was tabled in June.
200412,381 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 1,945
Law
The new Aliens Act (301/2004) entered into force on 1 May 2004, the day Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland joined the EU. Finland kept transitional restrictions on workers from those countries until May 2006.
Migration forecasts for the enlargement were described the same year: "Estonia would then send 15,000 people a year to Finland and the other current candidate countries 1,000 a year in total." Lower estimates put migration from Estonia at 4,000 to 5,000 a year.
There were 14,000 Estonian citizens living in Finland at the end of 2004 and 25,510 at the end of 2009. The increase was 2,000 to 3,000 a year, the level of the lower estimates.
The Family Federation of Finland's population policy programme set an annual net migration target of 7,000 people. It proposed that Finland move to active immigration.
The target was exceeded every year from 2005 on. The figures put forward ten years later were five times as large.
In Soini's view the act must include a real fast-track deportation procedure for manifestly unfounded asylum applications, as is already in use in many other EU countries.
Parliament was finalising the new Aliens Act and had just rejected faster fast-track deportations. In the same report Suvi-Anne Siimes of the Left Alliance demanded that applications continue to be handled individually.
Foreigners working in Finland are not a cost to society, nor do they create any particular competitive threat to Finns
A speech at the industry days in Raisio two days before EU enlargement and the entry into force of the new Aliens Act. Employers opposed the two-year transition period imposed on workers from the new member states.
200513,546 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,087
Whether it is because of a generous reception system with high daily allowances or something else, asylum shopping must be curbed by joint effort in the EU.
Rajamäki said about 70 per cent of applicants in July 2005 were unfounded. There were 3,574 asylum seekers in 2005 and only 1,505 in 2007. The cash income support was replaced by a reception allowance only in 2011.
I see no obstacle to increasing the number received. Most immigration, though, takes place on other grounds, and it must be looked at within the common rules of the EU countries.
An interview in the centenary issue of the church weekly Kotimaa, asked whether Finland could take more refugees. Given weeks after the French suburb riots.
200614,586 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,165
Finland did not at the time apply a transitional period to services but does apply one to the movement of labour. This has led to work being disguised as services.
The labour market organisations and the state agreed the same day not to extend the transitional period for workers from the new EU countries. The restrictions ended on 1 May 2006. There were 17,599 Estonian citizens in Finland at the end of 2006 and 25,510 three years later.
On 19 October 2006 the government adopted its first immigration policy programme as a resolution. The programme set out that Finland should make its attractions better known, simplify the residence permit system for workers and increase the number of foreign students.
The programme was written in anticipation of a labour shortage. Three years later its successor was found partly premature because of the recession, and the residence permit reform was postponed.
Researchers at the Migration Institute pointed out that people coming temporarily for work do not enter the migration statistics at all. As an example they noted that 12,000 Estonian construction workers worked in Finland in 2006.
There were 17,599 Estonian citizens resident in Finland at the end of the same year. The gap shows how much labour mobility falls outside the statistics.
The programme of Matti Vanhanen's second government of 19 April 2007 promised two things: "The Directorate of Immigration will be renamed the Finnish Immigration Service" and "Labour market testing will be phased out."
The agency was renamed on 1 January 2008. Labour market testing is still in force in 2026, so that promise has been open for almost two decades.
The Ministry of Labour's Työvoima 2025 report used an annual net migration of 7,500 in its calculations. The Ministry of Employment and the Economy's own report noted a year later that net migration in 2007 was almost 13,000.
The realized figure was 13,586. The report concluded that immigration can offset the fall in the labour force only if both net migration grows substantially and immigrants' labour force participation rises.
Finland is slowly beginning to understand that immigration can be a good thing for Finnish society.
The programme's opening sentence in the year of the labour-shortage debate. That spring the country's first migration minister, Astrid Thors, told Yle that Finland needed at least 10,000 new workers a year from abroad.
In immigration policy the Finns Party Youth support the principle "in the country, the country's way". We see the cultivation of multiculturalism at the expense of our own Finnish and Western culture as short-sighted.
The party paper's election issue. The author stood in the election and entered parliament in 2011. The party won 4.1 per cent and five seats in March 2007.
The last wave of Jaakkola's series, and its permissive extreme on labour migration. Only one in four would now have admitted fewer foreign job-seekers, and more people would have admitted more than fewer. On refugees the change was smaller: 27 per cent would have admitted more.
In the October municipal elections the Finns Party increased its support more than any other party. Statistics Finland put its support at 5.4 per cent, 4.5 percentage points more than in the previous municipal elections, on 137,758 votes.
Three years later the party took 19.1 per cent in the parliamentary election. By then immigration had become an election theme for the first time.
The word maahanmuuttokriittinen, immigration-critical, became established in public language around 2008. It was introduced by the people it describes, and the media adopted it after the 2008 municipal elections.
In December 2017 some newsrooms briefly switched to the word anti-immigration and went back to the old one in 2018. Which word is chosen has itself been contested throughout.
Since the purpose of refuge is not economic migration and staying in Finland but returning to the country of origin, residence in a wholly foreign culture is apt to create frustration and various side effects that often cause insecurity for the native population.
Adopted by the party council in Järvenpää for the October 2008 municipal elections, in which the Finns Party rose to 5.4 per cent and Jussi Halla-aho was elected to Helsinki city council.
Integration is a precondition for the growth of immigration. Learning the language has an important role in the integration process, but it cannot be made a binding obligation.
The informal meeting of EU justice and home affairs ministers in Cannes, where France presented its immigration pact. The minister rejected a binding language requirement.
There were 5,988 asylum seekers, the most up to then. Total reception costs were about 84 million euros, against about 33 million the year before.
The number fell the next year and stayed at a little over three thousand until 2014. In 2015 there were 32,476 applicants. How many applications lead to protection is under the need for protection and recognition rates.
On 5 November 2009 the government adopted an action programme on labour immigration. It stated that "the supply of labour will start to contract rapidly early in the next decade, so a labour shortage lies ahead once the current recession has passed". It also noted that the number of foreign workers needed cannot be derived directly from forecasts.
After the recession unemployment did not fall durably, and the wide debate on a labour shortage began only in the 2020s. The programme set no annual target.
On 8 September 2009 the Helsinki District Court fined MP Jussi Halla-aho 30 day-fines for breaching the sanctity of religion. The charge of ethnic agitation was dismissed. The court of appeal upheld the judgment in 2010.
The Supreme Court changed the outcome in 2012 and convicted him of ethnic agitation as well.
Magdalena Jaakkola's series of attitude studies was published as a whole. According to them, in 1993 six out of ten Finns would have admitted fewer foreign job-seekers than at the time. By 2007 only one in four thought so, and more people would have admitted more than fewer.
The series began in 1987 and asked the same questions five times. Opinion on refugees moved differently: those wanting to admit more stood at 41 per cent in 1987, 20 per cent in 1993 and 27 per cent in 2007.
Active support for work-based immigration could be invested in the same way as the promotion of Finnish exports of goods and services.
The report opened by noting that only a year earlier the talk had been of a labour shortage and now it was of unemployment. The proposed state recruitment organisation later took shape as the Talent Boost programme.
A Coalition Party working group proposed in May 2009 that age testing be written into law, that family reunification be limited to the nuclear family and that unfounded applications be reduced.
Age testing entered the Aliens Act on 1 August 2010. The limitation of family reunification to the nuclear family was not carried out then.
All the old Finnish parties and the Greens support, without restraint, a sharp increase in immigration in the name of a so-called labour shortage. The Finns Party supports a nationally responsible immigration policy whose starting point is the principle "in the country, the country's way", a principle that also includes an active will to find work.
The programme for the June 2009 European election, in which Timo Soini won 130,432 votes after leaving Halla-aho off the list.
Bad immigration is not a force of nature. It is a political choice.
The manifesto demanded among other things an end to cash income support in reception centres and a conditional citizenship. A reception allowance replaced income support in 2011 and the residence requirement for citizenship rose to eight years in 2024. The signatories later included the party's chair, a Speaker of Parliament and ministers.
A joint forecast by Helsinki, Espoo and Vantaa in March 2010 estimated that the foreign-language population of the Helsinki region would grow from 100,000 to 250,000, and its share to 15 per cent, by 2030. In Helsinki the share was then 9.6 per cent.
Three years later the same cities raised the 2030 estimate to nearly 300,000. The forecast was already too low before 2015.
An amendment to the Aliens Act took effect on 1 August 2010. Age assessment by forensic examination was written into law, and family reunification for a person granted international protection now required sufficient income if the family had been formed only after arrival in Finland.
More than 2,000 family-tie applications were lodged in 2011 and slightly under 600 a year in 2012 and 2013.
Yle's MOT programme The Price of Immigration reported in December 2010 that about 5,000 new family members were expected in Finland that year, mainly from Somalia and Iraq.
Family-tie applications from people granted protection collapsed after that year's amendment, from over two thousand to under six hundred a year.
But if the pull factor is that we have a fair processing system, then that is a factor I do not want to give up.
An interview on Yle's morning programme after the record asylum year of 2009 and threats against the minister. She called for broad condemnation of hate speech and described Finnish racism as refined.
The programme of Jyrki Katainen's government of 22 June 2011 stated: "Immigrants are a permanent and welcome part of Finnish society." It set the aim of raising immigrants' employment rate and halving their unemployment.
The government's own review in January 2015 reported that foreigners' unemployment rate had varied between 25 and 30 per cent in 2008 to 2013 and stood at 28.6 per cent at the end of 2013. Unemployment was not halved.
In the parliamentary election the Finns Party took 19.1 per cent of the vote and 39 seats. Its support grew by 15.0 percentage points on 560,075 votes.
The party's support was 17.7 per cent in 2015, 17.5 per cent in 2019 and 20.1 per cent in 2023.
In the coming years we will need immigrants as labour, as our population ages and the number entering working life shrinks. Immigrants bring with them varied human, social and cultural capital, language skills included.
The programme, titled Work is the best integrator, was published six weeks before the election and opened under the heading Difference is richness. The party's chair Päivi Räsänen became interior minister after the election.
In the spring of the Finns Party's election win, EVA's series was at its post-financial-crisis floor. Easing immigration for demographic reasons was supported by 25 per cent and rejected by 56, the sharpest rejection in the series since 1999. Ten years later the same figures were 48 and 34.
On 8 June 2012 the Supreme Court also convicted Jussi Halla-aho of ethnic agitation. Its reasoning held that the claims in the text "are apt to arouse intolerance, contempt and possibly even hatred towards the group they target". The fine rose from 30 to 50 day-fines.
The ruling is still the precedent on where the limit of political speech runs. The person convicted became his party's chair in 2017 and Speaker of Parliament in 2023.
Statistics Finland's population projection of 28 September 2012 stated: "Annual net migration has been assumed at 17,000 people in the projection." It put the population in 2060 at about 6.23 million.
That is the highest figure any Statistics Finland projection has given for 2060. Six years later the same office projected the population to start falling as early as 2035.
A Green municipality is open and welcomes people of all kinds. We make use of the opportunities of multiculturalism, support the integration of immigrants and take enthusiasm from subcultures.
The programme for the October 2012 municipal elections, chapter What a Green municipality is like.
Since some of Finland's Somalis who have been granted refugee status or subsidiary protection holiday in Somalia, they can no longer be considered to need the protection Finland offers
A written question demanding that Somalis' protection status be reassessed as Mogadishu calmed. Pekka Haavisto replied the same day that it was still too early to say whether peace had really been reached.
EVA's Values and Attitudes survey found the hardening of immigration attitudes had stopped. Because of an ageing population, 32 per cent would have made immigration easier, and 46 per cent thought immigration enriches the culture. One in two, 51 per cent, considered Finns' reserve towards foreigners wise.
On 13 June 2013 the government adopted the strategy Maahanmuuton tulevaisuus 2020. Its vision opened with the sentence "Immigration is anticipated and managed". The strategy's own chart estimated 345,300 foreign citizens in 2020 and 525,300 in 2030.
There were 278,917 foreign citizens at the end of 2020, about 66,000 fewer than estimated. At the end of 2025 there were 432,654. The year 2015 came two years after the strategy.
Helsinki, Espoo and Vantaa updated their forecast for the foreign-language population in February 2013. In Helsinki the number was projected to grow from 68,000 to 146,000 by 2030 and the share from just under 12 per cent to 21 per cent.
Three years earlier the same cities had estimated 250,000 for the whole region in 2030. Now the estimate was raised to nearly 300,000.
The problem is that these people do not have the kind of capacities for entering the labour market that post-industrial countries like Finland, Sweden and the countries of Western Europe require
Halla-aho and Vesa-Matti Saarakkala opposed taking Syrian refugees to Finland. Petteri Orpo of the National Coalition called the stance complete indifference.
It is in everyone's interest that each person finds their place in Finland. Immigrants' skills must be put to use, their particular needs must be met, and more and more must be invested in integration
A blog post on the Maahanmuutto 2020 strategy the government adopted the same day. The minister called immigration an opportunity Finland cannot leave unused.
In a poll TNS Gallup ran for Helsingin Sanomat (n = 1,002), 52 per cent thought immigration must be restricted for as long as Finland has unemployment. Two years earlier the share was 45. Those fully agreeing that anyone who wants to come should be allowed to were 17 per cent, against 26 in 2011. Taking more immigrants was opposed by 44 per cent, the same share as in 2011.
The Confederation of Finnish Industries reported in January 2014 that 32,000 foreign employees worked in its member companies at the end of 2013, a third more than in 2011. One member company in ten expected to increase their number.
This is the baseline against which the organisation's 2020s targets can be read. In 2023 it proposed 40,000 work-based residence permits a year and in 2026 at least a net 45,000 immigrants coming into work.
Integration into society is a lofty aim into which hundreds of millions of euros are pumped through various channels without even asking whether they do any good. What is being maintained is a large official apparatus and the illusion that immigrants can be integrated into society as future taxpayers and labour
A demand to audit every form of immigration support after Pia Kauma of the National Coalition had raised the Espoo pram controversy.
The central aim of the action programme is to raise the employment rate of immigrants. Finland needs immigrants' labour, new innovations and international networks
The launch of the action programme of the government's Maahanmuuton tulevaisuus 2020 strategy.
There has been talk in the media of a street gang, or of a single gang committing crimes in Helsinki. That is not true. There are no street gangs in Helsinki or in Finland.
The media had reported a group of more than 50 young people robbing and assaulting other young people in Helsinki, and according to the police these were loosely connected groups of friends. What is known about street gangs now is collected in the knowledge base section Street gangs.
The programme of Juha Sipilä's government of 29 May 2015 promised: "An independent study will be prepared on the costs and effects of immigration in our society, enabling a fact-based debate and better integration policy and decision-making." It also promised tuition fees for students from outside the EU and EEA.
The study was made by the Ministry of Finance itself and was completed on 22 December 2017. Tuition fees took effect on 1 August 2017. The programme was written four months before the number of asylum seekers rose tenfold.
On 29 January 2015 the business think tank EVA published the analysis Tulevaisuuden tekijät, which said Finland needs 34,000 net immigrants a year, up from a level of about 18,000, because the working-age population is shrinking.
Total net migration in 2015 was 12,441. The figure of 34,000 was first exceeded in 2022.
About 32,500 asylum seekers arrived in Finland, almost 29,000 more than the year before. The Finnish Immigration Service's figure is 32,476, of whom 20,484 were Iraqi citizens.
Sea rescue operations are a direct transfer of income to people smugglers.
In the same broadcast he estimated that two hundred thousand people a year come to Europe. The interview was three months before the number of asylum seekers in Finland rose tenfold.
I hope this becomes some kind of popular movement that voluntarily bears the burden of housing asylum seekers.
Sipilä announced live that he would give his Kempele home to asylum seekers at the turn of the year. In the same interview: "I appeal: what is needed now is caring."
Well under half of the asylum seekers will be granted asylum.
Orpo said it was impossible to judge whether the figure was 30 or 40 per cent. According to the Ministry of Finance's report, about a fifth of the 2015 applications led to permission to stay at first instance. In October 2015 the ministry had cut its forecast for the year from 50,000 to between 30,000 and 35,000, and the final figure was 32,476.
From the centres they will be returned efficiently to their home countries, either voluntarily or by force. This of course also requires return agreements, which are being negotiated intensively with Iraq among others.
No agreement with Iraq was reached. Iraq's migration ministry announced in January 2017 that it would not agree to any deal on involuntary returns.
When the new people entering the labour market start to grow the economy, we will understand: a new Nokia was given to us as a gift from abroad. It is a lottery win to get more child-bearers to Finland.
The column appeared three weeks after the number of asylum seekers began to increase tenfold. About one in five of the 2015 applicants was allowed to stay.
Finland's short-term objective is to cut off the uncontrolled flow of asylum seekers into our country, bring asylum costs under control and integrate effectively those granted asylum.
The programme's first sentence, three months after the Ykkösaamu interview. The programme removed humanitarian protection from the law, made family reunification harder and shortened appeal periods.
In a poll Taloustutkimus ran for Yle (n = 1,001, October 2015), 51 per cent believed that most of the asylum seekers who stay would remain unemployed and live on benefits, while 31 per cent disagreed. In the same poll 65 per cent held that asylum seekers are not a threat to Finnish culture and identity. As a threat they were seen by 26 per cent.
Net migration is immigration minus emigration across all countries of birth, and it does not distinguish the grounds for entry.
The same scale in every year.
201627,050 movers · largest origin Iraq 3,238
The offer stands. I have asked security experts to assess whether it is safe for a family with children to move there. Because of the great publicity, the assessment is that it is not sensible now.
No asylum seekers ever moved into the Kempele house. Sipilä sold it in March 2016. In 2019 he said the security authorities had judged that the family would face hostility in Finland.
In February 2016 the Finns Party estimated that if the approval rate stayed at the previous year's level, 17,500 Iraqis would receive a residence permit. Päivi Nerg, Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of the Interior, replied that applications would lapse and that a large share of applicants would be returned as Dublin cases.
The Finnish Immigration Service made 28,200 asylum decisions in 2016, of which about 27 per cent were positive. For Iraqis the share was 18 per cent.
On 17 May 2016 the Finnish Immigration Service announced it would stop granting humanitarian protection and issued new country guidelines on Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia. According to the agency, people could be returned to those countries regardless of which part of the country they came from.
Humanitarian protection had been removed from the Aliens Act by an amendment the same spring. It had been granted 119 times in 2015. The share of positive asylum decisions fell from about 60 per cent in the second half of 2015 to about 30 per cent in the second half of 2016.
The income requirement for family reunification was extended on 1 July 2016 to the family members of people granted international protection. During preparation it was reported that, for example, the parents of a family with two children would have to earn a combined 2,600 euros a month net.
In 2019 Rinne's government promised to stop applying the requirement to minors acting as sponsors. According to the Ministry of Finance's report there were then about a thousand positive family reunification decisions a year. Employment and income for those who came on family grounds are under grounds for entry.
You may come to Finland to work, but not to loaf. In this employment situation Finland needs no extra labour beyond highly educated people in the rarer fields.
A governing-party MP defending the bill that cut refugees' integration allowance by about a tenth, part of the post-2015 package to reduce Finland's pull factors.
The day before yesterday Barcelona, yesterday Turku. We are no longer an island.
Ten people were stabbed in Turku on 18 August 2017 and two of them died. The perpetrator had arrived as an asylum seeker in the spring of 2016 and had a negative decision under appeal. He was sentenced to life on 15 June 2018 in Finland's first conviction for a terrorist offence.
On 22 December 2017 the Ministry of Finance published a report on the costs of asylum seekers. Its conclusion was: "In an annual budget of over 55 billion euros, a phenomenon limited to hundreds of millions still has only a marginal effect."
The report was the independent assessment promised in the government programme, made by the ministry itself. It is still the official benchmark for cost figures put forward in public.
The countries are not willing to send the necessary documents very quickly.
Risikko said there were 11,000 people with negative decisions in reception centres and 1,400 refusing to leave. In 2017 the police escorted 154 people to Iraq. In June 2018 Baghdad police sent three escorted returnees back to Helsinki.
So in 2003 dual citizenship was not in fact ”allowed”, since it had never before been completely forbidden either.
Dual citizenship became a national talking point at the turn of January and February 2017, when the question was whether a citizen of two countries could hold posts in the defence forces and the foreign service. According to Leitzinger the media and many politicians did not understand what the concept means. The debate led to act 564/2019, in force from 1 May 2019, under which citizenship can be lost for treason, high treason or a terrorist offence. There were 197,944 dual citizens at the end of 2025.
Promoting, even attracting, the immigration of skilled people will be very important for Finland in the coming years. The population structure is turning less favourable fast, and without immigration the labour force loses 300,000 people by 2030.
Made during the debate on a residence permit for start-up entrepreneurs, seven weeks after the Turku stabbings. The speaker drew a line between work-based and humanitarian migration.
Most of those on the move were there for economic reasons. Not because they were fleeing war or personal persecution.
Said on Yle's Ykkösaamu about the arrivals of 2015 and 2016. Yle checked the claim: EU countries made about two million asylum decisions in 2016 and 2017, of which more than a million were positive.
The government's immigration policy programme Töihin Suomeen of 4 January 2018 quoted a three-year-old EVA figure: "annual immigration should grow to 34,000 immigrants so that the labour force does not contract in the coming decades". The programme set no annual target of its own.
According to the programme's own figures, 5,436 work-based residence permits were granted in 2015, 5,770 in 2016 and 6,751 in 2017. Net migration in 2018 was 11,965, the lowest of the decade.
Statistics Finland's population projection of 16 November 2018 assumed net migration of 15,000 people a year. It projected the population to grow until 2035 and then decline.
The next year's projection moved the turning point forward to 2031. Six years later the assumption was raised to 40,000 and no decline was projected within the period at all.
Technology Industries of Finland reported on the basis of a member survey that companies in the sector need more than 53,000 new skilled people by 2021. Three in five of those needs concerned graduates.
The figure is part of a series. In 2021 the organisation put forward 130,000 skilled people over ten years and in 2022 raising net migration to 50,000 a year.
In September 2018 the Finnish Immigration Service reported that the cases of a good two thousand of the 2015 asylum applicants were still pending. A few individual cases were still awaiting a first decision.
The 2015 government programme had promised that decisions and returns would be made without delay. Three years later some of the 2015 applications were still unresolved.
But it is also a fact that Finland needs immigration, work-based immigration above all, and of course a very well functioning integration system.
A governing-party MP in the first reading of the new Integration Act. In the same speech he said people seeking only a better standard of living should not be admitted as asylum seekers, and closed by saying racism must be given no room.
201924,426 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 1,811
Everyone who comes here must obey Finnish law and respect the bodily integrity of every person. Those who commit crimes will be held responsible under the principles of the rule of law. Serious crimes also weigh against the granting of a permanent residence permit. The asylum system cannot protect criminals.
The statement was given after the Oulu sexual offence investigations. On 15 January 2019 the parliamentary groups agreed to expedite three bills, and they were passed before the April election.
In March 2019 the Finns Party told a question hour that immigration costs as much as 3.2 billion euros a year. Yle's fact check rated the claim false: officials at the Ministry of Finance called the calculation overstated and shaky in its underlying assumptions.
The ministry's own report had arrived at hundreds of millions in 2017. In the April election the Finns Party took 17.5 per cent of the vote.
The programme of Antti Rinne's government of 6 June 2019 promised: "The refugee quota will be raised to at least 850 in 2020." It also set a target of an average one-month processing time for work-based residence permits.
The quota was raised and stood at 1,050 in 2023. In June of that year the next government halved it to 500.
On 14 November 2019 the European Court of Human Rights found that Finland had breached the Convention by returning an Iraqi man who was reported to have been killed after his return. The state was ordered to pay compensation.
The National Bureau of Investigation opened an inquiry in 2020, and according to the Iraqi authorities the death certificate was forged. The court annulled its own judgment entirely on 13 July 2021 and rejected the application as an abuse of the right of petition.
Two surveys measured attitudes in the election year. According to the Foundation for Municipal Development 47 per cent of Finns viewed immigration positively and 41 per cent negatively. In a survey by Yle and Taloustutkimus 41 per cent wanted more labour migrants, 38 per cent found the pace right and 19 per cent would slow it.
The same survey separated the types of immigration sharply. A clear majority supported admitting foreign students and EU workers, while about half would have reduced the number of refugees and asylum seekers.
We will also need work-based immigration here in the future. In practice that means that if the foundation of our welfare is to be kept, there have to be the makings of growth here, and those makings come through labour, which also comes from abroad.
Answering the National Coalition's interpellation on employment policy four months after the government took office.
In EVA's Values and Attitudes survey, 39 per cent held that an ageing population requires making immigration easier and 36 per cent disagreed. At the same time 52 per cent considered immigration at its current level too much. The data was collected both before and after the Oulu sexual-offence suspicions, which according to EVA's research director did not move general attitudes.
Observations of that kind have been made, that things may be heading in that direction. But there is no need to worry yet.
According to Ahlgren street gangs were not yet very common in Finland. The fear was that more would come and that they would take up drug dealing and debt collection and take control of territory.
202023,035 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 1,835
We must help these people and above all the children. This is a humane decision and it shows that Finland respects human rights.
Finland decided to receive at most 175 especially vulnerable asylum seekers from Greece, Cyprus, Malta and Italy. Greece had asked for 150. In the autumn of the same year Finland took 11 minors from the burnt-out camp at Moria.
On 22 January 2020 the Finland Chamber of Commerce proposed that the target for work- and study-based residence permits granted could initially be about 25,000 a year. About 15,000 were granted in 2019.
The figure covers residence permits, not net migration. Total net migration in 2020 was 17,814.
Too large a share of immigration to Finland is harmful immigration. It need not be so. The situation is the result of the wrong kind of policy. Abusing the asylum system is easy and tempting.
Second reading of a bill raising the age limit of integration services for unaccompanied minors to 25, at the end of the first pandemic spring.
In EVA's measurement 40 per cent would make moving to Finland easier because of the ageing population and 35 per cent would not. Attitudes moved towards a more permissive position for the fourth consecutive wave. There were 2,060 respondents.
The Finns Party's Jussi Halla-aho claims that Finland is “on Sweden's path” in the growth of youth violent crime. The claim is simply not true.
The debate began after Helsingin Sanomat reported on youth groups in Helsinki. The day before, Detective Superintendent Jari Taponen of the Helsinki police had judged Finland's situation to be still far from Sweden's.
Chamber of Commerce residence permits, not a net figure25,000
Actual 202017,814
The Chamber of Commerce's 25,000 means work- and study-based residence permits granted, not net migration. It is included because permit targets are quoted alongside net figures in public.
Net migration is immigration minus emigration across all countries of birth, and it does not distinguish the grounds for entry.
The same scale in every year.
202127,554 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 2,404
Hybrid influencing as a practice is state-led illegal activity in which the victims are the people used as its instruments.
Said when thousands of migrants had gathered at the Belarus-Poland border. The same definition was Finland's position when the eastern border was closed in November 2023 and when the temporary act on instrumentalised entry was passed in 2024.
On 9 September 2021 the Government published its roadmap for education- and work-based immigration to 2035. The aim was at least to double work-based immigration by 2030 so that the total increase of at least 50,000 work-based immigrants required by the sustainability roadmap is achieved, and after that an increase of at least 10,000 a year. The number of new foreign degree students was to be tripled to 15,000.
The total increase is a cumulative figure for 2021–2030, not an annual level, so it cannot be shown as a bar alongside the other figures. Total net migration in 2021 was 22,905.
At its spending-limits session in April 2021 the government confirmed the aim of doubling work-based immigration by 2030. The goal was 10,000 work- or study-based immigrants a year.
There were 15,012 first work-based residence permit applications in 2021 and 20,960 in 2022. After that the number fell three years running: 16,999, then 15,024, then 11,324 in 2025.
On 19 April 2021 the Finland Chamber of Commerce proposed a target of 30,000 people moving to Finland for work or study as early as the following year, and doubling that by the end of the decade.
About 29,000 first work and study applications were filed in 2022, close to the target. In 2025 the figures were 11,324 and 13,565.
In October 2021 the Finns Party and Movement Now tabled an interpellation on immigration policy and the economy. It was the first interpellation on immigration in at least fifteen years. The government won the confidence vote by 89 to 68.
Between 2007 and 2018 no interpellation was tabled on immigration, even though the subject dominated election debates. The next one came in December 2022 and concerned street gang crime.
Statistics Finland's population projection of 30 September 2021 stated: "The projection assumes that Finland gains 20,000 people through net migration this year and 15,000 a year after that."
In the following years realized net migration was 34,363, then 57,914, then 47,051. Three years later the assumption was raised to 40,000.
This much we do know: Finland unambiguously needs immigration. Humanitarian immigration rests on the fact that people are fleeing danger.
Replying to the same interpellation. The speaker added that a person who meets racism and hatred does not integrate, and that fixing the attitude costs nothing.
Most of the costs of immigration arise from social security spending and services. The direct costs, such as reception or integration, are a fraction of that.
The Finns Party and Movement Now interpellation on immigration policy and the economy. The speaker said the costs were still something of a taboo in political debate.
In EVA's measurement the share rose to 48 per cent, with 34 per cent disagreeing. According to EVA the attitude had moved 29 percentage points towards permitting immigration since 1998, meaning that at the start of the series about a fifth of respondents agreed.
Unfortunately we have observed gangs of this kind. According to the National Bureau of Investigation among others, street gangs are emerging here. At the moment there are indications of fewer than ten such groups.
According to Kolehmainen some gang members had an immigrant background, but people of Finnish background were involved too. In October the Helsinki police estimated that the Helsinki region's fewer than ten street gangs held about a hundred men in their twenties in all.
202241,587 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 4,295
Event
On 12 December 2022 Technology Industries of Finland set a target of raising Finland's net migration to 50,000 people a year by 2030, citing slowing population growth, ageing and a shrinking working-age population.
Total net migration in 2022 was 34,363. It passed the target in 2023, seven years early.
More than four million people have already fled Ukraine. The current estimate is that as many as 40,000 to 80,000 refugees could come to Finland too.
The appropriation was based on an estimate of 60,000 applications in 2022. In the event 47,302 applications for temporary protection were filed, near the bottom of the range. In the following years the figures were 19,426, then 12,617, then 12,018.
We are rather on the path of 2020s Finland. In London, for example, street gangs have divided areas block by block. Does any group hold a street corner in Finland? I would say not.
According to Heinikari Finland was not yet on Sweden's path. In the Helsinki police's assessment a new kind of street-gang culture had emerged in Finland over the previous year, and the department set up a coordination group of its own to counter it.
In the police's estimate there are around ten street gangs in Finland. They are mostly in the Helsinki region, but there are signs elsewhere in Finland too. These gangs have about two hundred people in them.
Mikkonen did not consider Finland to be heading straight down Sweden's path.
In December 2022 the Finns Party tabled an interpellation on tackling youth and street gang crime by immigration and criminal policy means. The government won the confidence vote by 100 to 70.
It was the third interpellation touching on immigration in little over a year, after none had been tabled for at least fifteen years.
The importance of immigration to a greying Finland grows all the time. Finland needs immigrants so that we can secure the funding of the welfare state and so that employers find enough skilled people for open jobs.
The minister presenting the new Integration Act as the government pushed to raise work-based immigration.
The 2022–2024 peak is explained in large part by temporary protection for people fleeing Ukraine, which none of the people setting targets had in mind.
Net migration is immigration minus emigration across all countries of birth, and it does not distinguish the grounds for entry.
The same scale in every year.
202366,462 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 11,904
Discrimination cannot be accepted. Racism is to be given no room in Finland.
The statement followed a summer in which Minister of Economic Affairs Vilhelm Junnila resigned after 11 days on 30 June 2023 and Finance Minister Riikka Purra's writings from 2008 became a public dispute. The leaders of the governing parties signed an anti-racism declaration on 11 July 2023, and the statement was given to parliament at the start of the autumn session.
On 3 February 2023 Etla calculated that permanently stabilising the size of the birth and working-age cohorts would, with the current age and sex structure, require net migration of as much as 44,000 a year, almost three times Statistics Finland's projection assumption of 15,000 at the time.
On 8 March 2023 the Confederation of Finnish Industries (EK) proposed doubling work-based immigration to 40,000 a year by the end of the electoral term and tripling international students to 15,000.
The figure covers work-based residence permits, not net migration, so it is not comparable with the other targets.
Net migration was 57,914, more than any target that had been put forward. The level demanded was reached and exceeded years before the earliest target year.
The programme of Petteri Orpo's government of 20 June 2023 set out: "Finland's refugee quota is 500 people a year." On the residence requirement for citizenship it said: "The period of residence in Finland will be extended to eight years." On work-based permits: "A person must leave Finland if their employment ends and they have not entered a new employment relationship within three months."
The quota was 1,050 in 2023. The eight-year residence requirement took effect on 1 October 2024 and the three-month rule on 11 June 2025. The euro limits for family reunification income had still not been decided by September 2026.
The government closed the entire eastern border from 30 November 2023. Minister of the Interior Mari Rantanen said a full closure was necessary in the name of national security, and Prime Minister Orpo said Russia had caused the situation and could also end it.
More than 1,300 applicants arrived across the eastern border in 2023. The border was still closed in September 2026. First asylum applications across the whole country numbered 2,405 in 2024 and 2,047 in 2025.
In EVA's values and attitudes survey 55 per cent of respondents agreed with the statement that the ageing and threatened decline of the population require making immigration to Finland easier. Thirty per cent disagreed.
It was the first time in 25 years of measurement that a majority agreed with the statement. Agreement stood at 31 per cent in 2016, 39 per cent in 2019 and 48 per cent in 2021. In the same survey 85 per cent regarded asylum seekers and work-based immigration as two entirely different things.
If we think only of the costs that go into income transfers, I would point out that problematic immigration is a very large economic factor.
Debate on the Orpo government's programme a week after it took office. The speaker called the government's change of paradigm in immigration policy a significant economic measure as well.
The other figures from the same EVA measurement: 82 per cent would make it much easier for skilled and educated foreigners to move to Finland, 52 per cent held that too large a share of arrivals are refugees, and 39 per cent judged immigration to do the Finnish economy more harm than good. The same survey therefore backed labour migration and rejected humanitarian migration.
In spring 2023 EVA's oldest immigration question drew as much support as opposition for the first time. The claim that "the growing labour shortage can only be solved with foreign labour" was accepted by 42 per cent and rejected by 41. In 1990 the same figures were 14 and 68, a shift of 28 percentage points over thirty-three years.
In Finland the police have managed to intervene in street gangs' activities at an early stage of their development.
According to Rantanen there were nonetheless signs in Finland of a development like Sweden's. In the police's estimate Finland's criminal street gangs had about 150 members, while Sweden had as many as 30,000 gang criminals.
EK's 40,000 is work-based residence permits, not net migration. It is included because it is quoted alongside net figures in public.
The 2022–2024 peak is explained in large part by temporary protection for people fleeing Ukraine, which none of the people setting targets had in mind.
Net migration is immigration minus emigration across all countries of birth, and it does not distinguish the grounds for entry.
The same scale in every year.
202456,110 movers · largest origin Former Soviet Union 8,048
A state under the rule of law has the right to defend itself.
Said on the day parliament passed the temporary act on countering instrumentalised entry. The Greens and the Left Alliance voted against, as did six Social Democrats and Eva Biaudet of the Swedish People's Party.
On 8 November 2024 Etla put forward an alternative to Statistics Finland's population projection. Statistics Finland had raised the projection's net migration assumption from 15,000 to 40,000 a year, and Etla argued the long-run level should be set at 24,000.
On 24 October 2024 Statistics Finland published a projection assuming net migration of 52,000 in the current year, 45,000 in 2025 and 40,000 a year after that. It projected the population to grow to 6.5 million by 2070.
The assumption was 2.7 times the one made three years earlier. Within two months the Ministry of Finance was calculating with 25,000, the Bank of Finland with 27,000 and Etla with 24,000. Realized net migration in 2025 was 31,233.
The amendment to the Nationality Act took effect on 1 October 2024. The residence required for naturalisation rose from five to eight years, and only residence on a permit counts. In July parliament had passed, by 167 votes to 31, a temporary act on countering instrumentalised entry.
A third fewer citizenship applications were filed in 2025 than the year before. The temporary act had not been applied once by September 2026, and its validity was extended to the end of 2026. Naturalisation numbers and the make-up of the population are under demographic change.
In its alternative budget in November 2024 the Centre Party proposed halting the deterioration of the dependency ratio by raising net migration to 40,000 a year.
The party's deputy chair Antti Kaikkonen publicly withdrew the target in June 2026, saying there is no particular need for work-based immigration right now.
A Ministry of the Interior memorandum estimated in February 2024 that without restrictions at least 10,000 to 20,000 asylum seekers a year would arrive across the eastern border.
The estimate cannot be tested because the border stayed closed. Across the whole country there were 2,405 first asylum applications in 2024 and 2,047 in 2025.
Finland is a safe country, but Finland is unsafe especially for women and especially for immigrants. And Finland is unsafe for immigrants because racism occurs in Finland.
A debate on equality and non-discrimination after the racially motivated stabbing of a child in Oulu, a year into the racism controversy around the government.
According to the police's situation report of April 2024 there were about 10 groups classed as street gangs in Finland. About 350 people had been linked to them, of whom about 150 were in the police's assessment key persons or members of the groups.
They were mainly foreign-background men aged 18–30 of several different nationalities, and a large share of them held Finnish citizenship.
Statistics Finland projection assumption, not a target40,000
Etla proposed projection level24,000
Actual 202447,051
Statistics Finland's 40,000 is a calculation assumption of the population projection, not a target. It is included because Etla's proposal was an alternative to exactly that.
The 2022–2024 peak is explained in large part by temporary protection for people fleeing Ukraine, which none of the people setting targets had in mind.
Net migration is immigration minus emigration across all countries of birth, and it does not distinguish the grounds for entry.
The same scale in every year.
202544,607 movers · largest origin Ukraine 4,673
Finland is not as attractive a country for work-based immigration as it used to be.
In the same article the Director General of the Finnish Immigration Service, Ilkka Haahtela, said the reducing effect of the current government's measures cannot yet be read from the statistics. There were 15,024 first work-based residence permit applications in 2024 and 11,324 in 2025.
Net migration was 31,233, 46 per cent below the 2023 peak.
The 2022–2024 peak is explained in large part by temporary protection for people fleeing Ukraine. The preliminary figure for 2025 was about 35,000, and the figures put forward in spring 2026 were still compared with that.
The government programme's commitments took effect in three stages. The duration of international protection permits was shortened on 2 January 2025, the three-month rule for holders of work-based permits began on 11 June 2025 and new conditions for family reunification on 16 June 2025.
Asylum is now granted for three years instead of four. A person who loses their job has three months to find new work, specialists six. About 2,800 removal decisions were issued to permit holders in 2025, 41 per cent more than the year before.
If you want growth, you had better understand the realities. We need immigration, we do not need the belittling of people who come here from elsewhere.
Debate on the fiscal plan the day after finance minister Purra wrote on X that 38 per cent of mothers giving birth in Vantaa and Kerava were non-Finnish, and called it worrying.
Immigration is also, to the greatest degree, a security question. We have heard that from Sweden too. Immigration, poor integration and crime go together, and that should be recognised and admitted here as well.
The minister presenting the report on internal security and replying to the opposition's claim that Finland needs immigration.
According to the Government's strategy against organised crime there were around ten groups classed as street gangs in Finland, mainly in the Helsinki region and South-West Finland. About 300 people had been linked to their activities, of whom about half were in the authorities' assessment members of the groups.
On 23 March 2026 the Confederation of Finnish Industries (EK) published its targets for the 2027–2031 electoral term: the target for immigration leading to work is set at a net 45,000 immigrants a year at least, and EK wants the target written into the next government programme.
Three years earlier EK's target was 40,000 work-based residence permits. The new figure is a net figure, so it is more demanding than the earlier one. What arrivals on different grounds cost the public finances and bring to them is under the economy.
On 23 March 2026 Etla's report 176 estimated that securing a sufficient workforce for public finances would require net migration of about 44,000 a year. Research director Antti Kauhanen called the target very challenging.
Yle first wrote that net migration should be tripled and corrected it the same day: the need would be a good quarter more than the preliminary 2025 figure of about 35,000.
Annual net migration of about 25,000 would keep the number of the elderly relative to the working-age population roughly stable for the next 20 years.
In the same week EK demanded 45,000 and Etla calculated 44,000. The figures answer different questions: Toikka's stabilises the dependency ratio, Etla's the public finances.
On 30 January 2026 the Finnish Immigration Service published the 2025 statistics. There were 11,324 first work-based residence permit applications, a quarter fewer than the year before, and 13,565 study-based ones. Director General Elina Hirvelä said the fall in work-based immigration is primarily due to the weak development of the Finnish economy in recent years.
The targets put forward the same spring were 44,000 and 45,000. The agency's own estimate for 2026 was 11,000 to 13,000 work-based applications.
In March 2026 the Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions replied to EK's target of 45,000 that it does not take account of high unemployment. The Coalition Party's platform adopted in June set no figure but promised to process specialists' residence permits in under a week and to abolish labour market testing.
Abolishing labour market testing was already promised in a government programme in 2007. It was still in force in September 2026.
In June 2026 the Centre Party's deputy chair Antti Kaikkonen withdrew his party's target of 40,000 net immigrants. He said there is no particular need for work-based immigration right now, although there are needs in the longer term.
The target had been put forward in the party's alternative budget a year and a half earlier. It is so far the only one of the figures put forward that its proponent has publicly withdrawn.
Our growing immigration has also caused us internal security problems, which show in our prisons as well.
Debate on the prime minister's announcement of government policy for 2026. The minister added that, on the forecasts, more than half of prisoners might be foreigners within a few years.
That is why the situation changes. Immigration must be limited to 10,000 people a year. Other countries are going to do the same. We have to take this decision now.
The first number on the timeline that is a ceiling rather than a floor. All sixteen earlier ones concern how much immigration would be needed at a minimum: nine are targets, three are calculations of the need, one criticises a target and one withdraws one. Harkimo's limit would cover humanitarian immigration too. For scale: Statistics Finland recorded about 51,000 arrivals last year and just under 190,000 in 2023–2025 together, and the Confederation of Finnish Industries wants at least 45,000 work-based net immigrants a year. Harkimo argues from unemployment and artificial intelligence: "We have 400,000 unemployed and AI is taking jobs. We have no work to offer them."
Minister for Foreign Trade and Development Ville Tavio (Finns Party) proposed capping immigration from outside the EU and EEA by law at 0.1 per cent of the population a year, which he put at ”in the order of about 5,600 people a year”. He argued for ”a new social contract that recognises Finland's carrying capacity as limited”.
The second ceiling in four days, and drawn around a different group than Harkimo's. Harkimo's 10,000 covers all immigration, Tavio's limit only arrivals from outside the EU and EEA, so movement by EU citizens would fall outside it. The figure is tied to the population, so the ceiling moves with the head count. For scale: Statistics Finland recorded 51,121 immigrations to Finland in 2025 and the Finnish Immigration Service granted 49,785 first residence permits the same year. A first residence permit goes to people from outside the EU and EEA, which is exactly the group the ceiling would cover, so the ceiling would be about a ninth of last year's level. The two figures still do not measure the same thing, because a permit is a decision rather than a move.
EK's 45,000 is immigration leading to work, in net terms, so only one part of total net migration. Family members, students and people granted protection come on top of it.
Etla calculated its figure from the point of view of public finances and VATT from that of the dependency ratio. A different question yields a different number, though both are net migration.
Net migration is immigration minus emigration across all countries of birth, and it does not distinguish the grounds for entry.